Nadeem Malik

Friday, September 28, 2007

SC CASES AGAINST PRESIDENT--CONSTITUTIONAL ARTICLES

THE PRESIDENT

41. The President.

 [Provided that paragraph (d) of clause (1) of Article 63 shall become operative on and from the 31st day of December, 2004.]

 

 

43. Conditions of President's office.

(1) The President shall not hold any office of profit in the service of Pakistan or occupy any other position carrying the right to remuneration for the rendering of services.

 

 

[63. Disqualifications for membership of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament).

 (d) he holds an office of profit in the service of Pakistan other than an office declared by law not to disqualify its holder; or

 

 

 

 

 

President to Hold Another Office Act, 2004

Holder of another office
The holder of the office of the President of Pakistan may, in addition to his office, hold the office of the Chief of the Army Staff which is hereby declared not to disqualify its holder as provided under paragraph (d) of clause (1) of Article 63 read with proviso to paragraph (b) of clause (7) of Article 41 of the Consitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan or any other law for the time being in force or any judgement of any court or tribunal:

Provided that this provision shall be valid only of the present holder of the office of the President.

 

 

 

 

 

Members Of The Armed Forces

[Article 244]

 

(In the name of Allah, the most Beneficent, the most Merciful.)
I, ____________, do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance to Pakistan and uphold the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which embodies the will of the people, that I will not engage myself in any political activities whatsoever and that I will honestly and faithfully serve Pakistan in the Pakistan Army (or Navy or Air Force) as required by and under the law.

May Allah Almighty help and guide me (A'meen).

 

 

112. Dissolution of Provincial Assembly.

[121][(1)] The Governor shall dissolve the Provincial Assembly if so advised by the Chief Minister; and the Provincial Assembly shall, unless sooner dissolved, stand dissolved at the expiration of forty-eight hours after the Chief Minister has so advised.

 




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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SC CASES AGAINST PRESIDENT--CONSTITUTIONAL ARTICLES

THE PRESIDENT

41. The President.

 [Provided that paragraph (d) of clause (1) of Article 63 shall become operative on and from the 31st day of December, 2004.]

 

 

43. Conditions of President's office.

(1) The President shall not hold any office of profit in the service of Pakistan or occupy any other position carrying the right to remuneration for the rendering of services.

 

 

[63. Disqualifications for membership of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament).

 (d) he holds an office of profit in the service of Pakistan other than an office declared by law not to disqualify its holder; or

 

 

 

 

 

President to Hold Another Office Act, 2004

Holder of another office
The holder of the office of the President of Pakistan may, in addition to his office, hold the office of the Chief of the Army Staff which is hereby declared not to disqualify its holder as provided under paragraph (d) of clause (1) of Article 63 read with proviso to paragraph (b) of clause (7) of Article 41 of the Consitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan or any other law for the time being in force or any judgement of any court or tribunal:

Provided that this provision shall be valid only of the present holder of the office of the President.

 

 

 

 

 

Members Of The Armed Forces

[Article 244]

 

(In the name of Allah, the most Beneficent, the most Merciful.)
I, ____________, do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance to Pakistan and uphold the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which embodies the will of the people, that I will not engage myself in any political activities whatsoever and that I will honestly and faithfully serve Pakistan in the Pakistan Army (or Navy or Air Force) as required by and under the law.

May Allah Almighty help and guide me (A'meen).

 

 

112. Dissolution of Provincial Assembly.

[121][(1)] The Governor shall dissolve the Provincial Assembly if so advised by the Chief Minister; and the Provincial Assembly shall, unless sooner dissolved, stand dissolved at the expiration of forty-eight hours after the Chief Minister has so advised.

 




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

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Thursday, September 27, 2007

Troubling Element Rice

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice:

 

 

"Look, there are troubling elements here. Some of this is troubling and we've certainly told the Pakistanis that it's troubling."

 

"We've been really clear with Pakistan that we expect these elections to be free and fair. John Negroponte had long discussions on this issue during a trip to Pakistan."

 




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India, UK push Kashmir wargames despite protests

India, UK push Kashmir wargames despite protests

 

 

JAMMU, India, Sept 26 (Reuters) - Indian and British troops are going ahead with their high-altitude wargames in disputed Kashmir despite protests from Pakistan and separatist groups, an Indian defence official said on Wednesday.

 

Elite forces from the two countries began training this month for mountain warfare in a three-week drill called "Himalayan Warrior" in the icy heights of Ladakh, upsetting Islamabad which also claims the region.

 

"The two sides have successfully carried out the first and second phase of the exercises and the last phase began on Tuesday," a senior Indian military official, who asked not to be named, told Reuters.

 

"These exercises will conclude on Oct. 10," he added.

 

The troops, which included nearly 120 men from Britain and nearly 140 from India, were training at an altitude of between 16,000 feet (4,900 metres) and 19,000 feet (5,800 metres) and were also sharing their experiences of battling "terrorism" in Kashmir and Afghanistan, he said.

 



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Benazir Bhutto at Middle East Institute in Washington

Former Prime Minister and Chairperson Pakistan
Peoples Party, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto

 

 

 

At

Middle East Institute in Washington

 

 

 

If General Musharraf will retire from the post of
Army Chief by October 5 - given his pledge to retire before the year's
end; second seek national reconciliation by passing an immunity law for those parliamentarians not proven guilty in the last decade; and third repeal the ban on a twice elected prime minister seeking office the PPP will not
resign from the Assemblies.

 



People do not want repeat of sham 2002 elections



Dictatorship fuelling, not containing extremism



People of Pakistan want change.

 

 

Some argue that extremism can better
be confronted by a military backed regime. It will not surprise you that I disagree with this view quite vigorously. I think it is a strategic
miscalculation that has had a negative impact in the battle against
violent fanaticism, posing grave dangers both to Pakistan and the larger world community.

 

 

Large sections of
Pakistan's tribal areas have been ceded to non Pakistanis in the Taliban and Al-Qaeda militias

 

 

On September 20, 2007, Al – Qaeda declared war on the Pakistan army. Military dictatorship has fueled extremism. A democratically elected government enjoying the support of the people can bring peace to the people of Pakistan and eliminate extremism.

 

 

I took the
necessary steps to close down political madrassas whose curriculum
taught hatred and para-military terrorist techniques

 

 

 

Extremists have never been able to achieve more than 11% of the vote in a free
election, and they will do worse, not better if free elections are held
today

 

 

Each military dictatorship has undermined
the independent judiciary by sacking of judges

 

 

 

The goal of my
dialogue with Musharraf has never been personal. The goal was always to
ensure that there be fair and free elections in Pakistan, pursuant to
the Constitution, supervised by a robust team of international monitors
and observers, as quickly as possible

 

 

 

Once General Musharraf files his nomination papers, the PPP would decide
whether it would resign from the present Parliament or whether it would boycott the elections

 

 

PPP would not vote for General
Musharraf as President from this Parliament unless there is a
constitutional amendment, it would not resign if he took the necessary steps to show that he was moving toward fair elections and a level-playing field.

 

 




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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Corruption Perception Index 2007

Corruption Perception Index 2007

 

                       Year                     Score    Rank

                       1995                     2.25       39/41

                       1996                     1.0         53/54

                       1997                     2.53       48/52

                       1998                     2.7         71/84

                       1999                     2.2         88/99

                      

 2000                     No Survey

                      

  2001                     2.3        79/91

                       2002                     2.6        81/105

                       2003                     2.5        96/133

                       2004                     2.1       134/145

                       2005                     2.1       146/159

                       2006                     2.2       147/163

                                     2007                     2.4        138/179




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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Monday, September 24, 2007

Promises, promises by Tariq Hassan

Promises, promises

 

By Dr Tariq Hassan

 

THE lawyers representing the respondents, the federation and General Pervez Musharraf, during the hearing of the Jamaat-i-Islami constitutional petition — challenging, inter alia, General Musharraf's occupation of office of president of Pakistan and his candidature for the forthcoming election to the office of president— submitted the following statement in the Supreme Court of Pakistan on Sept 18:

"1. If elected for the second term as the president, General Pervez Musharraf shall relinquish charge of the office of the chief of army staff soon after election but before taking oath of office of the president of Pakistan for the next term. 2. The nomination paper of General Musharraf should be scrutinised by the chief election commissioner/returning officer independently and in accordance with the law."

This statement is a manifest victory for not only the lawyers representing the petitioner in this ongoing case but also for the entire legal community, which has through its relentless efforts succeeded in forcing General Musharraf to agree to doff the army uniform.

However, the general has failed to fulfill several social and political promises in this regard earlier. It remains to be seen whether General Musharraf would fulfill this promise. Because of General Musharraf's uncivil behaviour of not only breaking earlier promises but violating his constitutional oath of office as well, it would not be out of place to expect the general not to honour this commitment.

A substantive analysis of the statement confirms the reality of this expectation. The statement is in the nature of a conditional offer rather than a permanent promise. It is dependent on the happening of an event in favour of General Musharraf, namely, his election for the "second term" as the president. As such, it would only be binding on General Musharraf on the happening of this event.

What if he is not elected as president? Will he continue to illegitimately hold the country hostage with the impending threat of declaring emergency or martial law? Taken to its logical conclusion, the statement is not a beneficial promise but rather a tacit threat by General Musharraf intended to blackmail the legislature into electing him as president.

If General Musharraf is indeed sincere about relinquishing charge of the office of the chief of army staff, there is no reason why he cannot or should not do so now. Not doing so before the election will give him undue advantage — as his army uniform is likely to influence the electoral process and provide a non-level playing field for other candidates. This would be discriminatory and against the letter and spirit of Article 25 of the Constitution, which grants equality before the law to all citizens.The second part of the statement is seemingly innocuous as well. It is not even a conditional offer or undertaking. Rather, it is merely a statement of fact that the chief election commissioner/returning officer should scrutinise the nomination paper of General Musharraf independently and in accordance with the law. This statement is valueless. The chief election commissioner is required to do that in any event.

The false bravado in submitting to the jurisdiction of the Election Commission is the inevitable result of the last minute amendment of the Election Rules made a few days ago omitting the application of the disqualification criteria to General Musharraf.

This move clearly evinces the weakness of General Musharraf's position and the mala fide efforts on the part of his team to change the rules of the game to remove the multifarious legal obstacles that stand in the way of General Musharraf's obstinate bid to retain his presidential status.

Besides these practical implications, the statement has no legal significance. It is a mere statement of intent and not an affidavit or undertaking that would attract legal consequences. The statement is merely intended to influence the court's decision and to pre-empt it from requiring General Musharraf to doff the uniform prior to his presidential bid to enable him to keep his eager-to-jump-ship party members from abandoning him.

A promise to the court, even if considered valid and binding, may not be effectively enforceable under certain circumstances. Because of the general protection against legal proceedings afforded to the president under Article 248 of the Constitution, it is highly unlikely that the Supreme Court will seek to enforce the promise made by General Musharraf or to charge him with contempt in case he chooses to renege on his so-called promise to the court for any reason.

The statement to the court is nothing but an abuse of the judicial process given the wizardry involved in seeking court sanction of an unconscionable offer to the legislature and given the inequality of the bargaining positions of the parties involved.

It is a blatant effort on General Musharraf's part to pre-empt the constitutional petitions filed against him. Reliance on the general's statement by the court would, therefore, be improper under the circumstances. The past undertaking to take off the uniform needs to be honoured before future trust can be placed on any other statement or promise made by General Musharraf.




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

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Thursday, September 13, 2007

CJ most favourite

CJ most favourite

Special Correspondent
WASHINGTON - A recent poll done in Pakistan for a US anti-terrorism group showed Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden is more popular there than President Pervez Musharraf, according to CNN.
The results show 46 per cent approving Osama bin Laden, compared to 38 per cent for Gen Musharraf and nine per cent for US President George Bush.
But Musharraf's main rival, the former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, enjoy favourable opinions of 63 per cent and 57 per cent respectively. 
The poll done last month for Terror Free Tomorrow of Washington involved interviews with over 1,000 Pakistanis in all the four provinces of the country, it said.
The survey also shows 74 per cent of those interviewed were against US military action against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban inside their country.
"We have conducted 23 polls all over the Muslim world, and this is the most disturbing one we have conducted," Ken Ballen, head of the group, was quoted as saying. 
"Pakistan is the one Muslim nation that has nuclear weapons, and the people who want to use them against us — like the Taliban and Al-Qaea — are more popular there than our allies like Musharraf."
AFP adds: The survey "may help explain why Osama bin Laden remains at large in Pakistan and why both Al-Qaeda and the Taliban have regrouped there," the group said in a statement. It said it polled 1,044 people across Pakistan between August 18 and August 29. 
The poll said Musharraf's approval rating was 38 per cent behind 46 per cent for Osama, the architect of the September 11, 2001 attacks who is believed to be hiding on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Osama's ratings jumped to 70 per cent in NWFP.
The survey was carried out several days before Musharraf deported Sharif, the man he ousted in a bloodless coup in 1999, within hours of his return from exile on Monday. 
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, whom Musharraf tried to sack earlier this year, had a 69 per cent favourable rating, the survey said. 
Meanwhile only 13 per cent of people here said they would support US military strikes without Islamabad's cooperation - a threat issued by several US officials in recent months. 
But a majority back the Pakistani military, without US support, pursuing Al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters inside Pakistan, the poll showed. 
Terror Free Tomorrow is a non-partisan, not-for-profit organisation whose advisory board includes Republican US presidential candidate Senator John McCain, according to the group's website.


-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

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16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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Musharraf Matters: Stand by Our Man in Pakistan

Musharraf Matters: Stand by Our Man in Pakistan

By Anthony C. Zinni, Washington Post   |   September 9, 2007

As the turn of the millennium drew closer in December 1999, Jordanian officials uncovered a terrorist plan to attack U.S. tourists visiting Middle Eastern sites during the New Year holidays. They arrested the suspects and gained valuable intelligence on their plans and leadership. Washington went on red alert, fearing further plots.

At the time, I was commander of the U.S. Central Command, which is responsible for the Middle East. Senior State Department officials asked me to contact Pakistan's ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, to see whether he would conduct operations to seize the leaders of an al-Qaeda cell in Pakistan who had been identified by the terrorists now in Jordanian hands. Musharraf agreed, and his forces captured the jihadists. I was asked to contact him again to inquire whether U.S. interrogators could have access to those arrested. He said yes. Three more requests were made, and each time he agreed.

I asked the U.S. officials using me as a conduit whether, as a result of Musharraf's cooperation, we could improve our ties with his government and military. The answer was a flat no. I told Musharraf that I felt bad about this lack of appreciation and lack of understanding of the strategic importance of our nations' relationship. "I don't want anything for this," he replied. "I did it because it was the right thing to do."

That story sticks out in my mind these days, as it becomes increasingly fashionable to bash the embattled Musharraf. There's no such thing as a perfect ally, of course. But he was steadfast during the millennium crisis, and after Sept. 11, 2001, the United States was fortunate to have a leader in Pakistan who was willing to take on the fight against terrorism. We may criticize some of his undemocratic governing decisions and his failure to prevent al-Qaeda's leadership from gaining a foothold in the volatile border area with Afghanistan. But we should acknowledge the price the Pakistani military has paid in this battle and recognize the political courage it took for Musharraf to wage it at all, despite its unpopularity with the many Pakistanis who think that the fight against terrorism is not their struggle and despite the vast array of political, social and security problems his government faces.

I am disappointed that our media and our political leaders make little or no mention of the numbers of Pakistani troops killed or wounded in this war. Their casualties exceed those of any coalition army, including America's, fighting the Taliban and al-Qaeda in South Asia. The cost of Pakistan's military operations has also hobbled the country's economy. Moreover, for two decades, the Pakistanis were left to cope with hundreds of thousands of refugees after the 1980s jihad to drive the Soviets out of Afghanistan -- the first Afghan war for which Washington sought their support. The aftermath of that war left many Pakistanis justifiably wary of supporting another conflict that could once again leave them holding the bag.

After 9/11, the United States seemed to rediscover the importance of its relationship with Pakistan, one that many of us had long thought should have been better handled. Unfortunately, before 2001, the U.S.-Pakistani relationship was strained at best -- the result of the poorly thought-out series of sanctions we imposed after India and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests and of the residual Pakistani bitterness over the mess we left behind in Afghanistan after we drove out the Soviets in 1989. The sanctions, including the U.S. refusal to deliver aircraft that Islamabad had paid for or to return its money, still loom large in the memory of many officers in the ranks.

When Musharraf took over as head of the Pakistani military in 1998, I visited him for several days in Islamabad. I had learned to greatly respect the professionalism of the Pakistani military when I saw their gallantry firsthand during my service in Somalia; as CENTCOM commander, I came to appreciate the need for a strong military-to-military relationship to help ensure stability in the volatile region of South Asia.

Musharraf, like his predecessors, wanted to preserve the thin thread of the U.S.-Pakistani military relationship, even if it was based only on our personal friendship. This view wasn't shared by all of Musharraf's commanders or Pakistan's political leaders, but we both thought it was important that the connection -- the only real, useful link between our governments -- be closely maintained. Our bond was not entirely popular on the U.S. side either. I was allowed to maintain it, but only over many objections and reservations.

But when Musharraf took control of the government in a 1999 coup, I was told to break off all ties with him. He called me right after he assumed power to explain the events that had led to the takeover and to underscore his determination to bring "democracy in substance and not just in form."

Allies are supposed to be partners, not paragons. We will find ourselves in trouble if we insist that our allies do everything we ask, measure up totally to our concepts of how their societies should function and make no demands of us. Look at the NATO forces in Afghanistan, just across the border from Pakistan; are all of those troops, from 37 countries, fighting with the same commitment as Pakistan's forces are? Has U.S. support for the Pakistani military truly been enough to help it operate in the extremely difficult border environment where U.S. politicians urge it to confront al-Qaeda? Has America's relationship with Pakistan yielded sufficient benefits to persuade the skeptical Pakistani public to support mutual efforts to counter Islamic extremists?

All of us could have been smarter in handling the conflict with Osama bin Laden and his ilk from the start, and we need to continuously review and improve our efforts. I recently visited Pakistan again and had an opportunity to discuss the threat with Musharraf. I was impressed with his focus on improving border-control methods, training border-security forces and improving border-security cooperation with Afghanistan. It was clear that he is committed to doing his part to control a notoriously leaky frontier. It was also clear that the United States needs to offer far more support and coordination to let Pakistan and Afghanistan make this all work.

Both nations should avoid attacking each other and learn to appreciate the efforts and sacrifices that each has made in the struggle against their common foe. Careless, irresponsible statements can damage fragile alliances and erode cooperation and trust. They serve only to encourage our mutual enemies in al-Qaeda and the Taliban, who will use them for their own gain. Pakistan and Afghanistan must embark upon a more constructive dialogue. And I could say something similar about the U.S. debate about Pakistan. Unless we do better, we will continue to lose allies as a result of reckless, alienating comments that amount to short-term domestic political posturing and hurt U.S. security interests in the long run.

Anthony C. Zinni, a retired Marine general, is the former commander in chief of U.S. Central Command. He is a distinguished military fellow at the World Security Institute.

Musharraf Matters: Stand by Our Man in Pakistan

By Anthony C. Zinni, Washington Post   |   September 9, 2007

As the turn of the millennium drew closer in December 1999, Jordanian officials uncovered a terrorist plan to attack U.S. tourists visiting Middle Eastern sites during the New Year holidays. They arrested the suspects and gained valuable intelligence on their plans and leadership. Washington went on red alert, fearing further plots.

At the time, I was commander of the U.S. Central Command, which is responsible for the Middle East. Senior State Department officials asked me to contact Pakistan's ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, to see whether he would conduct operations to seize the leaders of an al-Qaeda cell in Pakistan who had been identified by the terrorists now in Jordanian hands. Musharraf agreed, and his forces captured the jihadists. I was asked to contact him again to inquire whether U.S. interrogators could have access to those arrested. He said yes. Three more requests were made, and each time he agreed.

I asked the U.S. officials using me as a conduit whether, as a result of Musharraf's cooperation, we could improve our ties with his government and military. The answer was a flat no. I told Musharraf that I felt bad about this lack of appreciation and lack of understanding of the strategic importance of our nations' relationship. "I don't want anything for this," he replied. "I did it because it was the right thing to do."

That story sticks out in my mind these days, as it becomes increasingly fashionable to bash the embattled Musharraf. There's no such thing as a perfect ally, of course. But he was steadfast during the millennium crisis, and after Sept. 11, 2001, the United States was fortunate to have a leader in Pakistan who was willing to take on the fight against terrorism. We may criticize some of his undemocratic governing decisions and his failure to prevent al-Qaeda's leadership from gaining a foothold in the volatile border area with Afghanistan. But we should acknowledge the price the Pakistani military has paid in this battle and recognize the political courage it took for Musharraf to wage it at all, despite its unpopularity with the many Pakistanis who think that the fight against terrorism is not their struggle and despite the vast array of political, social and security problems his government faces.

I am disappointed that our media and our political leaders make little or no mention of the numbers of Pakistani troops killed or wounded in this war. Their casualties exceed those of any coalition army, including America's, fighting the Taliban and al-Qaeda in South Asia. The cost of Pakistan's military operations has also hobbled the country's economy. Moreover, for two decades, the Pakistanis were left to cope with hundreds of thousands of refugees after the 1980s jihad to drive the Soviets out of Afghanistan -- the first Afghan war for which Washington sought their support. The aftermath of that war left many Pakistanis justifiably wary of supporting another conflict that could once again leave them holding the bag.

After 9/11, the United States seemed to rediscover the importance of its relationship with Pakistan, one that many of us had long thought should have been better handled. Unfortunately, before 2001, the U.S.-Pakistani relationship was strained at best -- the result of the poorly thought-out series of sanctions we imposed after India and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests and of the residual Pakistani bitterness over the mess we left behind in Afghanistan after we drove out the Soviets in 1989. The sanctions, including the U.S. refusal to deliver aircraft that Islamabad had paid for or to return its money, still loom large in the memory of many officers in the ranks.

When Musharraf took over as head of the Pakistani military in 1998, I visited him for several days in Islamabad. I had learned to greatly respect the professionalism of the Pakistani military when I saw their gallantry firsthand during my service in Somalia; as CENTCOM commander, I came to appreciate the need for a strong military-to-military relationship to help ensure stability in the volatile region of South Asia.

Musharraf, like his predecessors, wanted to preserve the thin thread of the U.S.-Pakistani military relationship, even if it was based only on our personal friendship. This view wasn't shared by all of Musharraf's commanders or Pakistan's political leaders, but we both thought it was important that the connection -- the only real, useful link between our governments -- be closely maintained. Our bond was not entirely popular on the U.S. side either. I was allowed to maintain it, but only over many objections and reservations.

But when Musharraf took control of the government in a 1999 coup, I was told to break off all ties with him. He called me right after he assumed power to explain the events that had led to the takeover and to underscore his determination to bring "democracy in substance and not just in form."

Allies are supposed to be partners, not paragons. We will find ourselves in trouble if we insist that our allies do everything we ask, measure up totally to our concepts of how their societies should function and make no demands of us. Look at the NATO forces in Afghanistan, just across the border from Pakistan; are all of those troops, from 37 countries, fighting with the same commitment as Pakistan's forces are? Has U.S. support for the Pakistani military truly been enough to help it operate in the extremely difficult border environment where U.S. politicians urge it to confront al-Qaeda? Has America's relationship with Pakistan yielded sufficient benefits to persuade the skeptical Pakistani public to support mutual efforts to counter Islamic extremists?

All of us could have been smarter in handling the conflict with Osama bin Laden and his ilk from the start, and we need to continuously review and improve our efforts. I recently visited Pakistan again and had an opportunity to discuss the threat with Musharraf. I was impressed with his focus on improving border-control methods, training border-security forces and improving border-security cooperation with Afghanistan. It was clear that he is committed to doing his part to control a notoriously leaky frontier. It was also clear that the United States needs to offer far more support and coordination to let Pakistan and Afghanistan make this all work.

Both nations should avoid attacking each other and learn to appreciate the efforts and sacrifices that each has made in the struggle against their common foe. Careless, irresponsible statements can damage fragile alliances and erode cooperation and trust. They serve only to encourage our mutual enemies in al-Qaeda and the Taliban, who will use them for their own gain. Pakistan and Afghanistan must embark upon a more constructive dialogue. And I could say something similar about the U.S. debate about Pakistan. Unless we do better, we will continue to lose allies as a result of reckless, alienating comments that amount to short-term domestic political posturing and hurt U.S. security interests in the long run.

aczinni@worldsecurityinstitute.org

Anthony C. Zinni, a retired Marine general, is the former commander in chief of U.S. Central Command. He is a distinguished military fellow at the World Security Institute.




-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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Wednesday, September 12, 2007

NewsGuru with Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz

Sharif's family moves SC, seeks his recall
Assam TribuneIndia - 1 hour ago
Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, however, claimed the government did not force Sharif to return to Saudi Arabia, and it was his own choice. ...

 

Day after, Pak CJ loud, clear: 'justice even if heavens fall'
Indian Express, India - 7 hours ago
Getting into damage control mode, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz claimed the government did not force Sharif to return to Saudi Arabia, and it was his own ...

 

Nawaz Sharif's supporters move Pak SC against his deportation
Economic Times, India - 8 hours ago
Getting into a damage control mode to contain the politically volatile situation, prime minister Shaukat Aziz claimed the government did not force Sharif to ...

Musharraf faces new standoff with SC over Sharif's deportation
HinduIndia - 15 hours ago
I have been told that he was given two options - either to go to prison or proceed to Saudi Arabia," Aziz said in an interview to CNBC television. ...




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Despite Many Challenges, World Faces Brighter Future

Despite Many Challenges, World Faces Brighter Future: Report.
=====================================================================
"Despite daunting challenges posed by global warming, water, energy,
unemployment and terrorism, the world faces a brighter future with fewer
wars, higher life expectancy and improved literacy, according to [2007
State of the Future] report released Monday. …

Published by the World Federation of UN associations, a global network
of
associations in more than 100 member states, the study noted that the
number of African conflicts fell from a peak of 16 in 2002 to five in
2005
and the number of refugees around the world is falling.

It said the world economy grew at 5.4 percent last year to 66 trillion
dollars while the global population rose 1.1 percent, increasing the
average world per capita income by 4.3 percent. … The study said that
over
a billion people (17.5 percent of the world's total) are now connected
to
the Internet.  …" [Agence France Presse/Factiva]

Turkish Daily News reports that "…On the negative side, it pointed to
hikes in CO2 emissions, terrorism, corruption, global warming and
unemployment and a decrease in percentage of voting populations.

Persistent inequality was illustrated by figures showing that two
percent
of people own 50 percent of the world's wealth while the poorest 50
percent own only one percent. The income of the richest 225 people in
the
world equals that of the poorest 2.7 billion or 40 percent of the global
population, the report said. …" [Turkish Daily News/Factiva]

AP writes that "Organized crime may have brought in more than $2
trillion in revenue last year, about twice all the military budgets in
the
world combined, a report issued Monday said. … [It] said organized crime
entities generated income from money laundering, counterfeiting and
piracy, and the trafficking of drugs, people and arms. …

The report called organized crime one of the most pressing global issues
that needs to be addressed in the next 10 years. …"


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Tuesday, September 11, 2007

Shove off Nawaz Sharif

Shove off Sharif

Sep 10th 2007 | RAWALPINDI
From Economist.com

Pakistan is in an undeclared state of emergency as Nawaz Sharif is ejected from the country


AFP

NAWAZ SHARIF, a former prime minister of Pakistan, landed in Rawalpindi on the morning of Monday September 10th with his head bowed in prayer and supporters chanting political slogans. He was back from a seven-year-long exile, in Saudi Arabia and Britain, to challenge Pakistan's military ruler, Pervez Musharraf. "I'm not fearful, I'm fearless," Mr Sharif said.

It was a brave endeavour—from a man whose political career has long been tarnished by allegations of thuggery, corruption and misrule. But it was shortlived. In the arrivals hall Mr Sharif was promptly charged over an alleged money-laundering scam of the mid-1990s. He was then separated from his raucous retinue, bundled into a waiting aircraft, and flown to Saudi Arabia. It was unclear whether Mr Sharif had even, officially, entered Pakistan, despite a recent ruling by the country's Supreme Court that he had an "inalienable right" to do so.

The incident at least simplified a political crisis that has been boiling in Pakistan for several months. With an election approaching, General Musharraf wants a fresh term of presidential office and another supportive—or craven—government elected beneath him. Yet he is facing an invigorated opposition, centred on the Supreme Court. Its judges are likely to be asked to appraise the constitutionality of any extension to General Musharraf's rule, even as unprecedented feelings of power and separation beat in their hearts.

The court's ruling that Mr Sharif could return to Pakistan, although General Musharraf had said that he could not, was an example of this. In banishing him nonetheless, the general has told the custodians of Pakistan's constitution to go hang. In effect, the country is now in an undeclared state of emergency.

How it will respond is more complicated. Mr Sharif's arrest sparked a few protests in Rawalpindi but was more notable for the failure of his Pakistan Muslim League-N party to organise almost any gathering in Punjab, the country's most populous province and the party's stronghold. It did not help that General Musharraf's agents had arrested most of the party's leaders and, reportedly, 2,000 of its activists in recent days. Nonetheless, Mr Sharif has not yet raised enough of a clamour to trouble a military dictator.

If not he, then who? One candidate is the country's lawyers. Their recent demonstrations in support of the Supreme Court's top judge, Iftikhar Chaudhry, have emboldened the judges as a whole. Hundreds of thousands of ordinary Pakistanis joined the lawyers to cheer for Mr Chaudhry—and he was reinstated. Now that General Musharraf has treated the court's ruling on Mr Sharif's right to return with such contempt, the lawyers may protest again. The Supreme Court is expected to hear petitions against Mr Sharif's rough treatment on Tuesday.

The only other obvious champion for the opposition would be Mr Sharif's great rival, the leader of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), Benazir Bhutto. But in recent months Ms Bhutto has not sought to confront General Musharraf, rather she has tried to coddle him. In exchange for freedom from a fistful of corruption charges against her, and other concessions, she has provisionally offered to support General Musharraf's bid for presidential re-election.

While still interested in maintaining a scrap of democratic cover, General Musharraf seemed keen on this co-operation. But it has looked unlikely in recent days, especially after Mr Sharif's rude ejection. Dallying with a dictator is a risky strategy for Ms Bhutto, the leader of Pakistan's most liberal party. Attaching herself to one could leave her already fraying creditability in tatters.

For his part, if there are no serious protests in next few days, General Musharraf might think he does not need Ms Bhutto. His supporters can muster the simple majority in Parliament that he needs to get himself re-elected president, while also retaining his job as army chief. If he is happy to defy the orders of the Supreme Court—which would probably take exception to this action—he would not need to rewrite the constitution in his favour, a step requiring a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Then he would not need the support that Ms Bhutto has all but promised.

In the short term, this draconian drift might just put a lid on Pakistan's latest troubles. After all, Pakistanis are accustomed to the bit and bridle of military rule. But a solution that sustains an army dictatorship by smashing faltering institutions and democratic politicians, in a country where supremely undemocratic Islamist forces are seething, does not augur much stability.


-----------------------------------------------------------
N A D E E M M A L I K
CNBC PAKISTAN
BUREAU CHIEF
ISLAMABAD

0321-5117511

nadeem.malik@hotmail.com

16th Floor, Saudi Pak Tower, 61-A Jinnah Avenue, Islamabad. 051-2800113-14, Fax: 051-2800118

 



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