Nadeem Malik
Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan
September 2012
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In the United States, the dominant narrative about the use of drones in Pakistan is of a
surgically precise and effective tool that makes the US safer by enabling "targeted
killing" of terrorists, with minimal downsides or collateral impacts.
1
This narrative is false.
Following nine months of intensive research—including two investigations in Pakistan,
more than 130 interviews with victims, witnesses, and experts, and review of thousands
of pages of documentation and media reporting—this report presents evidence of the
damaging and counterproductive effects of current US drone strike policies. Based on
extensive interviews with Pakistanis living in the regions directly affected, as well as
humanitarian and medical workers, this report provides new and firsthand testimony
about the negative impacts US policies are having on the civilians living under drones.
Real threats to US security and to Pakistani civilians exist in the Pakistani border areas
now targeted by drones. It is crucial that the US be able to protect itself from terrorist
threats, and that the great harm caused by terrorists to Pakistani civilians be addressed.
However, in light of significant evidence of harmful impacts to Pakistani civilians and to
US interests, current policies to address terrorism through targeted killings and drone
strikes must be carefully re-evaluated.
It is essential that public debate about US policies take the negative effects of current
policies into account.
1
The US publicly describes its drone program in terms of its unprecedented ability to "distinguish ...
effectively between an al Qaeda terrorist and innocent civilians," and touts its missile-armed drones as
capable of conducting strikes with "astonishing" and "surgical" precision.
See, e.g., John O. Brennan,
Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism, The Efficacy and Ethics of U.S.
Counterterrorism Strategy, Remarks at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (Apr. 30,
2012),
available at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-efficacy-and-ethics-us-counterterrorismstrategy.
vi
First, while civilian casualties are rarely acknowledged by the US
government, there is significant evidence that US drone strikes have
injured and killed civilians.
In public statements, the US states that there have been
"no" or "single digit" civilian casualties."
2 It is difficult to obtain data on strike casualties
because of US efforts to shield the drone
program from democratic accountability,
compounded by the obstacles to
independent investigation of strikes in
North Waziristan. The best currently
available public aggregate data on drone
strikes are provided by
The Bureau of
Investigative Journalism
(TBIJ), an
independent journalist organization.
TBIJ
reports that from June 2004 through mid-
September 2012, available data indicate
that drone strikes killed 2,562-3,325 people
in Pakistan, of whom 474-881 were
civilians, including 176 children.
3 TBIJ
reports that these strikes also injured an additional 1,228-1,362 individuals. Where
media accounts do report civilian casualties, rarely is any information provided about
the victims or the communities they leave behind. This report includes the harrowing
narratives of many survivors, witnesses, and family members who provided evidence of
civilian injuries and deaths in drone strikes to our research team. It also presents
detailed accounts of three separate strikes, for which there is evidence of civilian deaths
and injuries, including a March 2011 strike on a meeting of tribal elders that killed some
40 individuals.
2
See Obama Administration Counterterrorism Strategy (C-Span television broadcast June 29, 2011),
http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/AdministrationCo;
see also Strategic Considerations, infra
Chapter 5: Strategic Considerations; Contradictions Chart,
infra Appendix C.
3
Covert War on Terror, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/category/projects/drones/ (last visited Sept. 12, 2012).
From June 2004 through mid-September 2012, available data indicate that drone strikes
killed 2,562-3,325 people in Pakistan, of whom 474-881 were civilians, including 176
children.
- The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
vii
Second, US drone strike policies cause considerable and under-accountedfor
harm to the daily lives of ordinary civilians, beyond death and physical
injury.
Drones hover twenty-four hours a day over communities in northwest Pakistan,
striking homes, vehicles, and public
spaces without warning. Their
presence terrorizes men, women, and
children, giving rise to anxiety and
psychological trauma among civilian
communities. Those living under
drones have to face the constant worry
that a deadly strike may be fired at any
moment, and the knowledge that they
are powerless to protect themselves.
These fears have affected behavior.
The US practice of striking one area
multiple times, and evidence that it
has killed rescuers, makes both
community members and humanitarian workers afraid or unwilling to assist injured
victims. Some community members shy away from gathering in groups, including
important tribal dispute-resolution bodies, out of fear that they may attract the
attention of drone operators. Some parents choose to keep their children home, and
children injured or traumatized by strikes have dropped out of school. Waziris told our
researchers that the strikes have undermined cultural and religious practices related to
burial, and made family members afraid to attend funerals. In addition, families who
lost loved ones or their homes in drone strikes now struggle to support themselves.
Third, publicly available evidence that the strikes have made the US safer
overall is ambiguous at best.
The strikes have certainly killed alleged combatants
and disrupted armed actor networks. However, serious concerns about the efficacy and
counter-productive nature of drone strikes have been raised. The number of "high-level"
targets killed as a percentage of total casualties is extremely low—estimated at just 2%.
4
Furthermore, evidence suggests that US strikes have facilitated recruitment to violent
non-state armed groups, and motivated further violent attacks. As the
New York Times
has reported, "drones have replaced Guantánamo as the recruiting tool of choice for
4
Peter Bergen & Megan Braun, Drone is Obama's Weapon of Choice, CNN (Sept. 6, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/09/05/opinion/bergen-obama-drone/index.html.
Drones hover twenty-four hours a
day over communities in northwest
Pakistan, striking homes, vehicles,
and public spaces without warning.
Their presence terrorizes men,
women, and children, giving rise to
anxiety and psychological trauma
among civilian communities.
viii
militants."
5 Drone strikes have also soured many Pakistanis on cooperation with the US
and undermined US-Pakistani relations. One major study shows that 74% of Pakistanis
now consider the US an enemy.
6
Fourth, current US targeted
killings and drone strike
practices undermine respect
for the rule of law and
international legal
protections and may set
dangerous precedents.
This
report casts doubt on the legality
of strikes on individuals or
groups not linked to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2011, and who do not pose
imminent threats to the US. The US government's failure to ensure basic transparency
and accountability in its targeted killing policies, to provide necessary details about its
targeted killing program, or adequately to set out the legal factors involved in decisions
to strike hinders necessary democratic debate about a key aspect of US foreign and
national security policy. US practices may also facilitate recourse to lethal force around
the globe by establishing dangerous precedents for other governments. As drone
manufacturers and officials successfully reduce export control barriers, and as more
countries develop lethal drone technologies, these risks increase.
In light of these concerns, this report recommends that the US conduct a
fundamental re-evaluation of current targeted killing practices, taking into
account all available evidence, the concerns of various stakeholders, and
the short and long-term costs and benefits.
A significant rethinking of current US
targeted killing and drone strike policies is long overdue. US policy-makers, and the
American public, cannot continue to ignore evidence of the civilian harm and counterproductive
impacts of US targeted killings and drone strikes in Pakistan.
5
Jo Becker & Scott Shane, Secret 'Kill List' Proves a Test of Obama's Principles and Will, N.Y. TIMES (May
29, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all.
6
PEW RESEARCH CENTER, PAKISTANI PUBLIC OPINION EVER MORE CRITICAL OF U.S.: 74% CALL AMERICA AN
E
NEMY (2012), available at http://www.pewglobal.org/files/2012/06/Pew-Global-Attitudes-Project-
Pakistan-Report-FINAL-Wednesday-June-27-2012.pdf.
The number of "high-level" targets
killed as a percentage of total
casualties is extremely low—estimated
at just 2%.
-
Peter Bergen & Megan Braun, CNN
ix
This report also supports and reiterates the calls consistently made by rights groups and
others for legality, accountability, and transparency in US drone strike policies:
O
The US should fulfill its international obligations with respect to
accountability and transparency, and ensure proper democratic debate
about key policies. The US should:
•
Release the US Department of Justice memoranda outlining the legal
basis for US targeted killing
in Pakistan;
•
Make public critical
information concerning
US drone strike policies,
including as previously
and repeatedly requested
by various groups
and officials:
7 the targeting
criteria for so-called "signature" strikes; the mechanisms in
place to ensure that targeting complies with international law; which
laws are being applied; the nature of investigations into civilian death
and injury; and mechanisms in place to track, analyze and publicly
recognize civilian casualties;
8
•
Ensure independent investigations into drone strike deaths, consistent with
the call made by Ben Emmerson, UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering
terrorism in August 2012;
9
7
See, e.g., Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Study on Targeted
Killings
, Human Rights Council, UN Doc. A/HRC/14/24/Add.6 (May 28, 2010) (by Philip Alston),
available at
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/14session/A.HRC.14.24.Add6.pdf;
US: Transfer CIA Drone Strikes to Military
, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH (Apr. 20, 2012),
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/20/us-transfer-cia-drone-strikes-military; Letter from Amnesty
International et al. to Barack Obama, President of the United States (May 31, 2012),
available at
http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/node/1242.
8
Letter from Amnesty International et al., supra note 7.
9
Terri Judd, UN 'Should Hand Over Footage of Drone Strikes or Face UN Inquiry', INDEPENDENT (Aug.
20, 2012), http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/us-should-hand-over-footage-of-dronestrikes-
or-face-un-inquiry-8061504.html.
"We call on US policy makers to
rethink current targeted killing
practices."
- report authors
x
•
In conjunction with robust investigations and, where appropriate,
prosecutions, establish compensation programs
for civilians harmed by
US strikes in Pakistan.
O
The US should fulfill its international humanitarian and human rights
law obligations with respect to the use of force,
including by not using lethal
force against individuals who are not members of armed groups with whom the US is
in an armed conflict, or otherwise against individuals not posing an imminent threat
to life. This includes not double-striking targets as first responders arrive.
•
Journalists and media outlets should cease the common practice of
referring simply to "militant" deaths, without further explanation.
All
reporting of government accounts of "militant" deaths should include
acknowledgment that the US government counts all adult males killed by strikes
as "militants," absent exonerating evidence. Media accounts relying on
anonymous government sources should also highlight the fact of their singlesource
information and of the past record of false government reports.
1
I
NTRODUCTION
The report is divided into five chapters: Background and Context, Numbers, Living
Under Drones, Legal Analysis, and Strategic Considerations. Immediately following is a
brief account of the methodology of this study, including challenges faced by our
research team. The report then turns to the five main chapters:
'Background and Context,' Chapter 1,
provides brief background and context on:
the nature of unmanned aerial vehicles; drones and targeted killings as a response to
9/11; Obama's escalation of the drone program; the decision-making process behind
drone strikes; the Pakistani government's divided role; conflict, non-state groups, and
military forces in northwest Pakistan; the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA);
and the limits on access to FATA.
'Numbers,' Chapter 2
, assesses the debate on drone casualties, outlining the factors
that produce conflicting and often unreliable reporting by government and media
sources. Examining the methods and content of three well-known and widely cited
drone data aggregators, this chapter explains what information can be gleaned from
these sources, and challenges the oversimplified civilian/"militant" binary reproduced in
many accounts.
'Living under Drones,' Chapter 3
sets forth the core findings of this report. The
Chapter begins with firsthand narrative accounts of three specific drone strikes. For
each of these strikes, there is significant evidence of civilian casualties. It further
examines the broader impacts of drone surveillance and strikes in North Waziristan,
including on the families of those killed, education and economic opportunities,
emotional trauma, widespread fear, and the undermining of community institutions.
'Legal Analysis,' Chapter 4
provides an overview of the terms of debate on the
legality of the US targeted killing program and drone campaign in Pakistan under both
international and US domestic law. It describes the law related to key issues: whether
US drone practices violate Pakistan's sovereignty; when and which individuals may
lawfully be targeted; and the extent to which the US has met, or failed to meet, its
international legal obligations related to transparency and accountability.
'Strategic Considerations,' Chapter 5
examines the strategic implications of US
drone strike policies in Pakistan. In particular, it considers available evidence about
their effectiveness in hampering attacks by armed non-state actors, their impact on
attitudes in Pakistan and the surrounding region toward the US, their geopolitical
implications, and their effect on decision-making related to war and the use of force in
the US.
2
The report includes several appendices. The first appendix provides additional
narratives from victims and witnesses to drone strikes, as well as others directly affected
by drones. The second appendix charts the timing and intensity of drone attacks
between January 2010 and June 2012 in light of parallel political events and key
moments in Pakistani-US relations. The third appendix compares statements of US
officials on drone strikes with strike data reported by a leading strike data aggregator.
M
ETHODOLOGY
This report is based on over 130 detailed interviews with victims and witnesses of drone
activity, their family members, current and former Pakistani government officials,
representatives from five major Pakistani political parties, subject matter experts,
lawyers, medical professionals, development and humanitarian workers, members of
civil society, academics, and journalists. Our research team also engaged in extensive
review of documentary sources, including: news reports; legal, historical, political,
medical, and other relevant scholarship; civil society and analysts' reports; court filings
and other legal documents; government documents; and physical evidence.
Our research team conducted two separate investigations in Pakistan (including in
Islamabad, Peshawar, Lahore, and Rawalpindi) in February-March 2012 and May
2012.
10 Investigations included interviews with 69 individuals ('experiential victims')
who were witnesses to drone strikes or surveillance, victims of strikes, or family
members of victims from North Waziristan.
11 These interviewees provided first-hand
accounts of drone strikes, and provided testimony about a range of issues, including the
missile strikes themselves, the strike sites, the victims' bodies, or a family member or
members killed or injured in the strike.
12 They also provided testimony about the
impacts of drone surveillance and attacks on their daily lives, and their views of US
policy.
10
Our researchers did not conduct in situ investigations in the drone-affected areas of FATA because of
security risks at the time of our investigations, and because the Pakistani military prevents foreigners and
non-FATA residents from accessing the region.
11
A majority of the interviewees brought school-or government-issued photo identification cards to the
interview indicating their residence in North Waziristan.
12
We have defined "close family member" as a member of the interviewee's household. In Waziri culture,
households can include grandparents, parents, siblings, and children, as well as uncles, aunts, or cousins.
3
Interviews were arranged through local contacts in Pakistan, including journalists,
lawyers, tribal leaders, experts, and civil society members. The majority of the
experiential victims interviewed were arranged with the assistance of the Foundation for
Fundamental Rights, a legal nonprofit based in Islamabad that has become the most
prominent legal advocate for drone victims in Pakistan. Those interviewees, who
undertook an extremely unsafe, time-consuming, and difficult trip in order to be
interviewed, were all male, as poor security conditions, together with cultural norms of
purda
(separation of men and women), restricted women's ability to travel. One of the
experiential victims interviewed is a female Waziri now residing outside Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Nine of the 69 experiential victims are clients of the
Foundation for Fundamental Rights. None of the interviewees were provided
compensation for participating in investigations for this report.
13
The interviews were conducted by teams that included at least one Stanford or NYU
researcher, as well as a translator. Some interviews also included a researcher from
either Reprieve or the Foundation for Fundamental Rights. The interviews with
individual Waziris were semi-structured, and lasted from approximately thirty minutes
to two hours.
Security, confidentiality, and privacy for those interviewed were key concerns. Our
research team applied informed consent guidelines to all interviews, and interviewees
chose if or how they wished to be identified in this report. We do not include the names
and other identifying information of interviewed individuals in this report when so
requested by the person concerned, or when the research team determined that doing so
might place the individual at risk. Thus, many of the experiential victims have been
given pseudonyms in this report. All of the medical and humanitarian professionals, and
most of the journalists with whom we met, also expressed concerns for their safety, and
requested anonymity.
In addition to our interviews with medical professionals in Pakistan, medical experts at
Stanford reviewed this report's sections concerning the psychological and physiological
impacts of drones. These experts also met with our research team to discuss our findings
and assist in our analysis of the classification of symptoms.
13
The Foundation for Fundamental Rights and Reprieve organized and financed the transportation to
Islamabad and Peshawar for the majority of experiential victims. The Stanford Clinic paid for the
translation services and rental of the space used for interviewing in both Peshawar and Islamabad.
4
As part of our effort to speak with relevant stakeholders, our research team requested
the input of the US government, and sought to share our findings in advance of this
report's release. Via letter sent July 18, 2012, we requested a meeting with the National
Security Council (NSC), "the President's principal arm for coordinating [national
security and foreign] policies among various government agencies."
14 At this writing, we
had not received a response to our request.
C
HALLENGES
The foremost challenge the research team faced was the pervasive lack of US
government transparency about its targeted killing and drone policies and practices in
Pakistan. This secrecy forced us to conduct challenging primary research into the effects
of drones in Pakistan. Primary research in FATA is difficult for many reasons.
First, it is very difficult for foreigners physically to access FATA, partly due to the
Pakistani government's efforts to block access through heavily guarded checkpoints, and
partly due to serious security risks.
Second, it is very difficult for residents of Waziristan to travel out of the region. Those
we interviewed had to travel hundreds of kilometers by road to reach Islamabad or
Peshawar, in journeys that could take anywhere from eight hours to several days, and
which required passing through dozens of military and police checkpoint stops, as well
as, in some cases, traveling through active fighting between armed non-state groups and
Pakistani forces.
Third, mistrust, often justifiable, from many in FATA toward outsiders (particularly
Westerners) inhibits ready access to individuals and communities.
Fourth, many residents of FATA fear retribution from all sides–Pakistani military,
intelligence services, non-state armed groups–for speaking with outsiders about the
issues raised in this report.
14
WHITE HOUSE, NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, http://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/eop/nsc (last
visited Sept. 12, 2012). We requested a meeting with US Deputy National Security Advisor Denis
McDonough.
5
Fifth, practices of
purda in FATA make it extremely difficult for women to travel, for
outsiders to speak directly to Waziri females, or to obtain information about females
through male family members. It is often considered inappropriate, for example, for
men to provide the names of female victims of drone strikes. In addition, strict
segregation can mean that neighbors or extended family members may not know how
many women and children were killed or injured in a strike.
15 Because of these obstacles
to speaking directly with women, most of the information the research team obtained
about the impacts of drones on the daily lives of women came second-hand through
husbands, sons, fathers, and in-laws, as well as by health care providers and members of
civil society working in the area. Following interactions and the building of trust
between our researchers and interviewees, a number of those interviewed expressed an
interest in facilitating interviews with female witnesses and victims in future
investigations.
Sixth, and as documented in the 'Background and Context' Chapter, FATA has very low
literacy rates. This, in conjunction with the fact that much information about incidents
in Waziristan is not recorded in written form, made it difficult for some interviewees to
pinpoint the exact dates of certain strikes or to identify in terms that could be related to
outsiders the precise geographical locations of small villages. The research team has
made extensive efforts to check information provided by interviewees against that
provided in other interviews, known general background information, other reports and
investigations, media reports, and physical evidence wherever possible. Many of the
interviewees provided victims' identification cards and some shared photographs of
victims and strike sites, or medical records documenting their injuries. We also
reviewed pieces of missile shrapnel.
15
Extended family households can be quite large; one interviewee, for instance, told us he lives in a large
extended family compound of 50-60 relatives. Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Islamabad, Pakistan (May
9, 2012).
7
C
HAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
This section provides background and contextual information relevant to understanding
U.S drone policies in Pakistan. It provides a basic overview of what unmanned aerial
vehicles are, how the US has been using this technology as part of a broader effort to
engage in "targeted killing" of alleged enemies, and how the use of drones has
undergone a dramatic escalation under President Obama. The section also provides
some background on Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the area in
which most drone strikes take place, on the residents of North Waziristan who live
under drones, and on armed non-state actors and military forces in northwest Pakistan.
The US government has been using armed unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, to carry
out hundreds of covert missile strikes in northwest Pakistan since at least June 2004.
Drone strikes now form a key part of the US government's approach to counterterrorism
and enable the US to kill from afar without immediate risk to American lives. For years,
the government would neither confirm nor deny the existence of the strikes, and only
began to outline the practices and legal justifications following significant pressure from
domestic and international civil society.
16 To date, the government has refused to
provide necessary details on how the program works, how targets are chosen, or how
legality and accountability are ensured, leading civil society groups repeatedly to request
this information.
17 Instead, the government insists that the killings are lawful, and that
16
Covert War on Terror—The Data, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/the-bush-years-2004-2009/ (last visited Aug. 8,
2012). Obama acknowledged that the US was using drones to target suspected terrorists in FATA in an
online video chat on January 31, 2012.
See President Obama's Google+ Hangout, WHITEHOUSE.GOV (Jan.
30, 2012), http://www.whitehouse.gov/photos-and-video/video/2012/01/30/president-obama-s-googlehangout.
More recently, his top counterterrorism advisor, John Brennan, discussed drone strikes, as well
as counterterrorism policies in Pakistan, in a speech at the Woodrow Wilson International Center.
See
John O. Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism, The Efficacy
and Ethics of US Counterterrorism Strategy, Remarks at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars (Apr. 30, 2012),
available at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-efficacy-and-ethics-uscounterterrorism-
strategy.
17
See supra note 16 and accompanying text; Letter from Amnesty International et al. to Barack Obama,
President of the United States (May 31, 2012),
available at http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/node/1242.
Letter from Amnesty International et al. to Barack Obama, President of the United States (May 31, 2012),
available at
http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/node/1242 (requesting that information be released to
Congress concerning "US drone use, including targeting criteria for signature strikes; mechanisms used
by the CIA and JSOC to ensure that such targeting is within the confines of international law, including
which laws are being applied to these cases and definitions of a civilian; the procedure in place for
investigations when civilians are known to have suffered losses of life, limb or property as a result of
strikes; and mechanisms in place to track, analyze and public recognize civilian casualties.").
8
virtually all of those targeted are linked to Al Qaeda and associated forces and pose a
threat to US national security.
18 Recently, anonymous government officials have
revealed that, for the purpose of tracking civilian casualties, the government presumes
that all military-age males killed in drone strikes are combatants.
19
D
RONES: AN OVERVIEW
According to the US Department of Defense, a drone, or unmanned aircraft, is an
"aircraft or balloon that does not carry a human operator and is capable of flight under
remote control or autonomous programming."
20 Although drones have only recently
become the subject of significant public debate, they are not new, and their origins can
be traced at least to World War I.
21 Throughout the twentieth century, however, they
were used primarily for surveillance, most notably during the Gulf War and the conflict
in the Balkans in the 1990s.
22 The first armed drones were flown in Afghanistan in early
October 2001.
23 Since then, the US has increased its arsenal of Predator drones from 167
in 2002 to more than 7,000 today.
24
18
See, e.g., Brennan, supra note 16; President Obama's Google+ Hangout, supra note 16; see also Ken
Dilanian,
US Put New Restrictions on CIA Drone Strikes in Pakistan, L.A. TIMES (Nov. 7, 2011),
http://articles.latimes.com/2011/nov/07/world/la-fg-cia-drones-20111108; Justin Elliott,
Obama
Administration's Drone Death Figures Don't Add Up
, PROPUBLICA (June 18, 2012),
http://www.propublica.org/article/obama-drone-death-figures-dont-add-up.
19
Jo Becker & Scott Shane, Secret 'Kill List' Proves a Test of Obama's Principles and Will, N.Y. TIMES
(May 29, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all.
20
DEP'T OF DEFENSE, 331 JOINT PUBLICATION 1-02, DICTIONARY OF MILITARY AND ASSOCIATED TERMS (2010)
(amended July 15, 2012).
21
Time Line of UAVs, PBS, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/spiesfly/uavs.html (last visited Aug. 8, 2012).
22
See Mary Ellen O'Connell, Unlawful Killing with Combat Drones: A Case Study of Pakistan, 2004-
2009
3 (Notre Dame Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No. 09-43, 2010).
23
Eric Schmitt, Threats and Responses: The Battlefield: US Would Use Drones to Attack Targets, N.Y.
T
IMES (Nov. 6, 2002), http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/06/world/threats-responses-battlefield-uswould-
use-drones-attack-iraqi-targets.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.
24
Anna Mulrine, Unmanned Drone Attacks and Shape-Shifting Robots: War's Remote Control Future,
C
HRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR (Oct. 22, 2011),
http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Military/2011/1022/Unmanned-drone-attacks-and-shape-shiftingrobots-
War-s-remote-control-future.
9
There are two types of lethal drones primarily now used by the US: the MQ-1B Predator
and the MQ-9 Reaper.
25 The Predator MQ-1B, first flown in 1994,26 was designed "to
provide persistent intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance information combined
with a kill capability."
27 Equipped with AGM-114 Hellfire missiles, the Predator MQ-1B
was the world's first-ever weaponized unmanned aircraft system.
28 As P.W. Singer
writes in
Wired for War, "[a]t twenty-seven feet in length, [the Predator] is just a bit
smaller than a Cessna. . . . made of composite materials instead of metals, the Predator
weighs just 1,130 pounds. Perhaps its best quality is that it can spend some twenty-four
hours in the air, flying at heights of up to twenty-six thousand feet."
29 The MQ-9 Reaper
"is larger and more powerful than the MQ-1 Predator and is designed to prosecute timesensitive
targets with persistence and precision, and destroy or disable those targets."
30
The technical precision of these weapons has been disputed, including by companies
that developed software used in targeting.
31 One factor that reduces targeting precision
is 'latency,' the delay between movement on the ground and the arrival of the video
image via satellite to the drone pilot. As the
New York Times reported in July 2012,
"Last year senior operatives with Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula told a Yemeni
reporter that if they hear an American drone overhead, they move around as much as
25
See also Spencer Ackerman, Air Force is Through With Predator Drones, WIRED (Dec. 14, 2010),
http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/12/air-force-is-through-with-predator-drones/; Noah
Shachtman,
US Military Joins CIA's Drone War in Pakistan, WIRED (Dec. 10, 2009),
http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2009/12/us-military-joins-cias-drone-war-in-pakistan/. Both the
Predator and the Reaper are manufactured by General Atomics Aeronautical Systems, Inc. For more
information, see
Aircraft Platforms, GENERAL ATOMICS AERONAUTICAL, http://www.gaasi.
com/products/aircraft/index.php (last visited Aug. 8, 2012). General Atomics refers to the original
Predator platform as the "Predator UAS," and to the Reaper platform as the "Predator B UAS."
Id.
26
Predator UAS, GENERAL ATOMICS AERONAUTICAL, http://www.gaasi.
com/products/aircraft/predator.php (last visited Aug. 8, 2012).
27
MQ-1B Predator Factsheet, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE,
http://www.af.mil/information/factsheets/factsheet.asp?fsID=122 (last visited Aug. 8, 2012).
28
Id.; see Predator UAS, supra note 26.
29
P.W. SINGER, WIRED FOR WAR 32-33 (2009).
30
MQ-9 Reaper Factsheet, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE,
http://www.af.mil/information/factsheets/factsheet.asp?id=6405 (last visited July 16, 2012).
31
Christopher Williams, CIA Used 'Illegal, Inaccurate Code to Target Kill Drones, REGISTER (Sept. 24,
2010), http://www.theregister.co.uk/2010/09/24/cia_netezza/. Intelligent Integration Systems (IIsi), the
software firm that developed the location analysis software package used in drones known as
"Geospatial", claimed in court that Netezza, the data warehousing firm that eventually sold the product to
the CIA, "illegally and hastily reverse-engineered IISi's code to deliver a version that produced locations
inaccurate by up to 13 meters. Despite knowing about the miscalculations, the CIA accepted the software,
court submissions indicate."
Id. Richard Zimmerman, IISi's CTO, stated that "my reaction was one of
stun, amazement that they want to kill people with my software that doesn't work."
Id.
10
possible."
32 Even when they are precise, however, casualties and damage are not
necessarily confined to the specific individual, vehicle, or structure targeted. The blast
radius from a Hellfire missile can extend anywhere from 15-20 meters;
33 shrapnel may
also be projected significant distances from the blast.
D
RONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11
In the aftermath of the September 11, 2011 attacks, the Bush administration began a
campaign of 'targeted killing' against suspected members of Al Qaeda and other armed
groups.
34 The CIA allegedly carried out its first targeted drone killing in February 2002
in Afghanistan, where a strike killed three men near a former
mujahedeen base called
Zhawar Kili.
35 Some reports suggest the CIA thought one of the three men might have
been bin Laden in part due to his height.
36 When questioned in the aftermath of the
strike, however, authorities confirmed that it was not bin Laden and, instead, appeared
not to know who they had killed. A Pentagon spokeswoman stated, "[w]e're convinced
that it was an appropriate target,"
37 but added, "[w]e do not know yet exactly who it
was."
38 Another spokesman later added that there were "no initial indications that these
were innocent locals."
39 Reports since have suggested that the three individuals were
local civilians collecting scrap metal.
40
32
Mark Mazzetti, The Drone Zone, N.Y. TIMES (July 6, 2012), available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/08/magazine/the-drone-zone.html?pagewanted=all.
33
Thomas Gillespie, Katrina Laygo, Noel Rayo & Erin Garcia, Drone Bombings in the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas: Public Remote Sensing Applications for Security Monitoring
, 4 J. OF
G
EOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEM 136, 139 (2012), available at
http://www.scirp.org/journal/PaperInformation.aspx?paperID=18766.
34
Q&A: US Targeted Killings and International Law, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH (Dec. 19, 2011),
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/12/19/q-us-targeted-killings-and-international-law.
35
John Sifton, A Brief History of Drones, NATION (Feb. 7, 2012),
http://www.thenation.com/article/166124/brief-history-drones#.
36
Id. ("CIA observers thought they'd seen bin Laden: a tall man with long robes near Tarnek Farm, bin
Laden's erstwhile home near Kandahar. This sighting by an unarmed drone was what led to the first
arguments among the White House and CIA about arming drones with missiles.").
37
Id.
38
Id.
39
Id.
40
Id.; see Jane Mayer, The Predator War, NEW YORKER (Oct. 26, 2009), available at
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/10/26/091026fa_fact_mayer; Seymour M. Hersh,
Annals
of National Security: Manhunt
, NEW YORKER (Dec. 23, 2002), available at
http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2002/12/23/021223fa_fact.
11
Six months later, on November 3, 2002, the US took the targeted killing program to
Yemen. US officials, reportedly operating a drone from a base in Djibouti, hit and killed
six men travelling in a vehicle in an under-populated area of Yemen.
41 One of the men
was Qaed Sinan Harithi, believed to have been one of the planners of the attack on the
USS Cole in 2000.
42 In January 2003, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on
extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions, concluded that the strike "constitute[d]
a clear case of extrajudicial killing."
43
Nonetheless, the strike in Yemen set the precedent for what would later become a full
scale program of targeted killing by drone in Pakistan. After the US invasion of
Afghanistan, a number of Taliban fighters fled across the border into Pakistan and in
particular FATA, which borders Afghanistan.
44 From 2002 to 2004, the US used
Predator drones to monitor this area. Then, in June 2004, the US launched a strike
against Nek Muhammad, a Pakistani Taliban commander who two months prior had
announced his support for Al Qaeda.
45 Witnesses initially reported that the missile was
fired from a drone circling overhead, but the Pakistani military denied any US
involvement, instead taking credit for the operation itself.
46 Today, this is widely
believed to have been the first US drone strike in Pakistan.
47
41
Doyle McManus, A US License to Kill, L.A. TIMES (Jan. 11, 2003),
http://articles.latimes.com/2003/jan/11/world/fg-predator11.
42
Id.
43
Special Rapporteur for extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Civil and Political Rights,
Including the Questions of Disappearances and Summary Executions
, ¶ 39, Commission on Human
Rights, UN Doc. E/CN.4/2003/3 (Jan. 13, 2003) (by Asma Jahangir),
available at
http://www.extrajudicialexecutions.org/application/media/59%20Comm%20HR%20SR%20Report%20
%28E-Cn.4-2003-3%29.pdf.
44
See Brian Glyn Williams, The CIA's Covert Predator Drone War in Pakistan, 2004-2010: The History
of an Assassination Campaign
, 33 STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM 871, 873-74 (2010).
45
Id. at 874; see also Pir Zubair Shah, My Drone War, FOREIGN POL'Y (Mar./Apr. 2012),
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/02/27/my_drone_war?page=0,1.
46
David Rohde & Mohammed Khan, Ex-Fighter for Taliban Dies in Strike in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES (June
19, 2004), http://www.nytimes.com/2004/06/19/international/asia/19STAN.html.
47
Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland, Drones Decimating Taliban in Pakistan, CNN (July 3, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/07/03/opinion/bergen-drones-taliban-pakistan/index.html;
see Shah, supra
note 45;
see also 2004-2007—The Year of the Drone, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION,
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones/2007 (last visited Aug. 8, 2012);
The Bush Years:
Pakistan Strikes 2004-2009
, BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/the-bush-years-2004-2009/ (last visited Aug. 8,
2012).
12
P
RESIDENT OBAMA'S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM
When President Bush left office in January 2009, the US had carried out at least 45
drone strikes according to the New America Foundation, or 52 according to
The Bureau
of Investigative Journalism
(TBIJ), inside Pakistan.48 Since then, President Obama has
reportedly carried out more than five times that number: 292 strikes in just over three
and a half years.
49 This dramatic escalation in the US use of drones to carry out targeted
killings has brought with it escalating tensions between the US and Pakistan, as well as
continued questions about the efficacy and accuracy of such strikes.
50
"P
ERSONALITY STRIKES" AND SO-CALLED "SIGNATURE STRIKES"
A key feature of the Obama administration's use of drones has been a reported
expansion in the use of "signature" strikes. Between 2002 and 2007, the Bush
administration reportedly focused targeted killings on "personality" strikes targeting
named, allegedly high-value leaders of armed, non-state groups like Salim Sinan al
Harethi and Nek Mohammad.
51 Under Obama, the program expanded to include far
more "profile" or so-called "signature" strikes based on a "pattern of life" analysis.
52
According to US authorities, these strikes target "groups of men who bear certain
signatures, or defining characteristics associated with terrorist activity, but whose
48
Peter Bergen & Katherine Tiedemann, The Year of the Drone: An Analysis of US Drone Strikes in
Pakistan, 2004-2010,
NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION, 1 (2010), available at
http://www.newamerica.net/publications/policy/the_year_of_the_drone;
The Bush Years: Pakistan
Strikes 2004-2009
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM, supra note 47.
49
See Covert War on Terror—The Data, supra note 16.
50
See infra Chapter 5: Strategic Considerations.
51
Leila Hudson, Colin S. Owens & Matt Flannes, Drone Warfare: Blowback from the New American
Way of War
, MIDDLE EAST POLICY (Fall 2011) (noting in the last two years of the Bush administration, "an
acceleration of attack frequency," and a much lower percentage of high-value targets killed in relation to
overall fatalities),
available at http://www.mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/drone-warfareblowback-
new-american-way-war;
see David S. Cloud, CIA Drones Have Broader List of Targets, L.A.
T
IMES (May 5, 2010), http://articles.latimes.com/2010/may/05/world/la-fg-drone-targets-20100506.
52
Cloud, supra note 51; see Daniel Klaidman, Drones: How Obama Learned to Kill, DAILY BEAST (May
28, 2012, 1:00 AM) (excerpt from Klaidman's book K
ILL OR CAPTURE: THE WAR ON TERROR AND THE SOUL
OF THE
OBAMA PRESIDENCY, infra note 53),
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2012/05/27/drones-the-silent-killers.html. According to
recent news reports, the CIA may have given these strikes a new name: terrorist-attack-disruption strikes
(TADS).
Id.
13
identities aren't known."
53 Just what those "defining characteristics" are has never been
made public. In 2012, the
New York Times paraphrased a view shared by several
officials that "people in an area of known terrorist activity, or found with a top Qaeda
operative, are probably up to no good."
54 The Times also reported that some in the
Obama administration joke that when the CIA sees "three guys doing jumping jacks,"
they think it is a terrorist training camp.
55
W
HO MAKES THE CALL?
On June 15, 2012, the Obama administration, in a letter to Congress, publicly
acknowledged the existence of military actions in Yemen and Somalia against
individuals alleged to be linked to Al Qaeda.
56 However, the administration has not
provided similar statements about CIA activities (including drone programs) in Pakistan
and Yemen.
57 As a result, what little public information exists about government
53
DANIEL KLAIDMAN, KILL OR CAPTURE: THE WAR ON TERROR AND THE SOUL OF THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY 41
(2012);
see also Becker & Shane, supra note 19 ("In Pakistan, Mr. Obama had approved not only
'personality' strikes aimed at named, high-value terrorists, but 'signature' strikes that targeted training
camps and suspicious compounds in areas controlled by militants.").
54
Becker & Shane, supra note 19.
55
Id.
56
Letter from Barack Obama, President of the US, to John Boehner, Speaker of the US House of
Representatives (June 15, 2012),
available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-pressoffice/
2012/06/15/presidential-letter-2012-war-powers-resolution-6-month-report ("In Somalia, the US
military has worked to counter the terrorist threat posed by al-Qa'ida and al-Qa'ida-associated elements
of al-Shabaab. In a limited number of cases, the US military has taken direct action in Somalia against
members of al-Qa'ida, including those who are also members of al-Shabaab, who are engaged in efforts to
carry out terrorist attacks against the US and our interests. . . . The US military has also been working
closely with the Yemeni government to operationally dismantle and ultimately eliminate the terrorist
threat posed by al-Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), the most active and dangerous affiliate of al-
Qa'ida today. Our joint efforts have resulted in direct action against a limited number of AQAP operatives
and senior leaders in that country who posed a terrorist threat to the United States and our interests.");
see also
Adam Entous, US Acknowledges Its Drone Strikes, WALL ST. J. (June 15, 2012),
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303410404577468981916011456.html.
57
See Entous, supra note 56. ("The Central Intelligence Agency's covert drone campaigns in Yemen and
Pakistan haven't been similarly declassified, officials said.") The language in President Obama's June 15,
2012 letter does not expressly refer to drones or UAVs in Yemen and Somalia.
See Letter from Barack
Obama,
supra note 56. However, as Entous writes, "The move effectively declassifies the existence of the
military's targeted-killing campaigns against Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen and certain Al
Qaeda and al Shabaab militants in Somalia, though without providing any details about the operations
themselves." Entous,
supra note 56; see also US Air Strike Kills Top al-Qaida Leader in Yemen,
G
UARDIAN (May 7, 2012), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/may/07/us-airstrike-kills-al-qaidaleader-
yemen ("CIA drone strike hits Fahd al-Quso.").
14
perspectives, programs, and policies has come largely through anonymous sources and
leaks in major news outlets. In May 2012, three such stories—one by the
New York
Times
,58 one by the Associated Press,59 and one by Newsweek reporter and author
Daniel Klaidman
60—revealed the most information to date about how the decision to kill
a particular target is made.
According to the
Associated Press and the New York Times, the President acts as the
final decision maker, at least with respect to the decision to carry out "personality
strikes" targeting named individuals. According to the
New York Times, early in his
presidency, "the president tightened standards, aides say: If the agency did not have a
'near certainty' that a strike would result in zero civilian deaths, Mr. Obama wanted to
decide personally whether to go ahead."
61 Newsweek reporter Daniel Klaidman noted
that, "Obama followed the CIA operations closely"
62 and that he would frequently pull
aside CIA director Leon Panetta "and ask for details about particular strikes."
63
Both the CIA and the US Special Operations Command,
64 the latter through its Joint
Special Operations Command (JSOC)—have their own target lists. Those lists are drawn
up through independent processes, but significant overlap often exists.
65 The
administration claims to have a thorough vetting process by which names are chosen. It
is unclear what, if any, process is in place for decisions regarding the so-called
"signature strikes," which are particularly problematic and open to abuse and mistake.
66
58
Becker & Shane, supra note 19.
59
Kimberly Dozier, Who Will Drones Target? Who in the US Will Decide?, ASSOCIATED PRESS (May 21,
2012), http://bigstory.ap.org/content/who-will-drones-target-who-us-will-decide.
60
Klaidman, Drones: How Obama Learned to Kill, supra note 52.
61
Becker & Shane, supra note 19.
62
Klaidman, Drones: How Obama Learned to Kill, supra note 52.
63
Id.
64
The US Special Operations Command is comprised of the Special Operations Commands of the Army,
Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps of the US Armed Forces.
About USSOCOM, UNITED STATES SPECIAL
O
PERATIONS COMMAND, http://www.socom.mil/Pages/AboutUSSOCOM.aspx (last visited on Sept. 15,
2012).
65
Dozier, supra note 59.
66
According to anonymous officials interviewed by the New York Times, prior to May 2012, the
Department of Defense went through a vetting process for personality strikes that "paralleled" a similar
process at the CIA. Becker & Shane,
supra note 19. This vetting process involved a video conference run
by the Pentagon that included more than 100 members of the government's national security apparatus.
Id.
(The CIA's process is reported to have been "more cloistered" and focused largely on Pakistan. Id.)
Participants would examine Powerpoint slides of suspected Al Qaeda affiliates and debate their inclusion
on the target list.
Id. It could take five or six times for a name to be added, and, even then, the name would
be removed if it was decided the suspect no longer posed an "imminent threat."
Id. Any names nominated
15
These strikes target individuals or groups "who bear characteristics associated with
terrorism but whose identities aren't known."
67
P
AKISTAN'S DIVIDED ROLE 68
Pakistan-US relations are complex and complicated by continuing drone strikes.
Pakistan initially appeared to support US strikes covertly. From 2004 through at least
2007, the Pakistani government claimed responsibility for attacks that had, in fact, been
conducted by the US, thus allowing the US to deny any involvement.
69 In 2008,
according to cables released by
Wikileaks, Pakistan's Prime Minister reportedly told US
Embassy officials, "I don't care if they [conduct strikes] as long as they get the right
people. We'll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it."
70 In 2009, both
Pakistan's Prime Minister and its Foreign Minister publicly celebrated the drone strike
that killed Baitullah Mehsud, the alleged leader of Tehreek-e-Taliban, Pakistan (TTP),
an armed group that launches terrorist attacks within Pakistan.
71
As strikes have increased, however, so too has the Pakistani public's opposition to them.
In 2011, rising opposition to the US within Pakistan was further exacerbated by three
separate events: the public shooting of two men by CIA agent Raymond Davis in
January, the May raid of Osama bin Laden's compound and his killing,
72 and the killing
of 24 Pakistani soldiers in an errant NATO airstrike in November.
73
for inclusion in the list would then be sent to President Obama for approval to be killed.
Id. On May 21,
2012, citing anonymous officials, the
Associated Press reported that this process has now changed. See
Dozier,
supra note 59. John Brennan, Obama's top counterterrorism advisor, has reportedly established a
new procedure for choosing which suspected terrorists will be targeted.
Id. Brennan's staff consults
directly with the State Department and other agencies, thereby reducing the role of the Pentagon, and
then compiles a potential target list based upon these consultations.
Id. The list is "reviewed by senior
officials" after being vetted by all counterterrorism agencies at the weekly White House meeting, and then
ultimately sent to the President for approval.
Id.
67
Klaidman, Drones: How Obama Learned to Kill, supra note 52.
68
For more on the role of Pakistani governmental authorities, see infra Chapter 4: Legal Analysis.
69
See Brian Glyn Williams, Death From the Skies: An Overview of the CIA's Drone Campaign in
Pakistan
, 29 TERRORISM MONITOR 8, 8 (2009); infra Chapter 2: Numbers.
70
US Embassy Cables: Pakistan Backs US Drone Attacks in Tribal Areas, GUARDIAN (Nov. 30, 2010),
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/167125.
71
Shuja Nawaz, Drone Attacks Inside Pakistan—Wayang or Willing Suspension of Disbelief, 12 CONFLICT
& S
ECURITY 79, 80 (2011).
72
Recent factual revelations in a book by a former Navy Seal involved in the operation that killed bin
Laden suggest that the killing may have violated international law. According to the Navy Seal's account,
16
It is important to note that segments of the Pakistani population, including in FATA,
support drone strikes that kill terrorists. This is primarily because of the significant toll
that terrorists and armed non-state groups take on the civilian population.
74 In the
absence of other effective government action, some support military efforts to attack
and kill terrorists.
However, it is clear that the majority of the population oppose current drone practices.
A Pew Research Poll conducted in 2012 found only 17 per cent of Pakistanis favor the US
conducting "drone strikes against leaders of extremist groups, even if they are
conducted in conjunction with the Pakistani government."
75 Of those familiar with the
drone campaign, the study noted that 94 per cent of Pakistanis believe the attacks kill
too many innocent people and 74 per cent say they are not "necessary to defend
Pakistan from extremist organizations."
76 Further, particular strikes (such as those
targeting first responders), as well as the constant presence of drones overhead, have
caused significant hardships for many in FATA. Because the consequences of US drone
bin Laden was shot repeatedly in the chest, after already having been wounded. M
ARK OWEN, NO EASY
D
AY 236 (2012) ("We saw the man lying on the floor at the foot of his bed. . . . The point man's shots had
entered the right side of his head. Blood and brains spilled out of the side of his skull. In his death throes,
he was still twitching and convulsing. Another assaulter and I trained our lasers on his chest and fired
several rounds. The bullets tore into him, slamming his body into the floor until he was motionless.").
Under international humanitarian law, attacking persons who are unconscious or wounded is prohibited,
where they abstain from any hostile act.
See JEAN-MARIE HENCKAERTS & LOUISE DOSWALD-BECK,
I
NTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS, CUSTOMARY INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW: VOL. 1:
R
ULES 47 (2006); see also Kevin Jon Heller, Author of "No Easy Day" Admits to Committing A War
Crime
, OPINIO JURIS (Aug. 29, 2012, 8:05 AM), http://opiniojuris.org/2012/08/29/author-of-no-easyday-
admits-to-committing-a-war-crime/.
73
See Thousands of Pakistanis rally against US, EXPRESS TRIBUNE (Mar. 18, 2011),
http://tribune.com.pk/story/134419/political-parties-civil-society-hold-protests-against-govt/ (noting
that the release of Raymond Davis was "widely condemned among the Pakistani public and media" and
that "anti-US sentiments rose after missiles fired from an unmanned US aircraft on Wednesday" killed
civilians and police);
US Drone Strike in Pakistan; Protests Over Bin Laden, REUTERS (Mar. 6, 2011),
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/05/06/us-binladen-pakistan-protest-idUSTRE74516H20110506
(noting outrage against the US in response to the killing of Osama bin Laden); Karl Kaltenthaler et al.,
The Drone War: Pakistani Public Attitudes Toward American Drone Strikes in Pakistan
8 (Paper
prepared for the Annual Meetings of the Midwest Political Science Association Meetings, Chicago, IL, Apr.
13-17, 2012) (describing the Salala incident as a "matter of huge public fury within Pakistan"),
available at
http://www.uakron.edu/dotAsset/4823799c-34eb-4b4f-992e-ac4a2261e0c4.pdf.
74
Interview with civil society representative in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 16, 2012); Interview with civil
society representative in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 16, 2012).
75
PEW RESEARCH CENTER, PAKISTANI PUBLIC OPINION EVER MORE CRITICAL OF US 2 (2012), available at
http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/06/27/pakistani-public-opinion-ever-more-critical-of-u-s/.
76
Id. at 13.
17
practice for those living in targeted areas have been largely omitted from coverage in the
US, this report focuses on these effects.
Opposition to drone strikes has accompanied increasingly negative perceptions of the
US. Roughly three in four now consider the US an enemy, an increase from both 2010
and 2011.
77 David Kilcullen, former Senior Counterinsurgency Advisor to General David
Petraeus, and Andrew M. Exum of the Center for a New American Security have
explained that "[p]ublic outrage at the strikes is hardly limited to the region in which
they take place . . . . Rather, the strikes are now exciting visceral opposition across a
broad spectrum of Pakistani opinion in Punjab and Sindh, the nation's two most
populous provinces."
78
Pakistani officials have been very vocal, particularly in 2012, in their opposition to
ongoing drone strikes in FATA. They have asserted that the strikes are unlawful, a
violation of Pakistan's sovereignty, and counterproductive.
79
C
ONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST
P
AKISTAN
For decades, and including back at least to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the
late 1970s and 1980s, northwest Pakistan has been the site of significant unrest. When
the US invaded Afghanistan in 2001, it persuaded Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf
to assist its regional counter-terrorism operations,
80 contributing to a change in FATA
dynamics.
81 Fighting in FATA intensified in the coming years as the Pakistani
77
Id. at 10.
78
David Kilcullen & Andrew McDonald Exum, Death From Above, Outrage Down Below, N.Y. TIMES
(May 17, 2009), http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/17/opinion/17exum.html?pagewanted=all.
79
See Pakistan: Drone Strikes Are Violations of Sovereignty, REUTERS (June 4, 2012),
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/06/04/pakistan-drone-strikes_n_1568016.html;
see also infra
Chapter 5: Strategic Considerations.
80
See, e.g., Tony Karon, Why Musharraf Failed, TIME (Aug. 19, 2008)(noting that, "Pakistan was forced
to support the U.S.—or at least not stand in the way of its assault on Afghanistan."),
available at
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1833820,00.html;
see also Daniel Schorn, Musharraf:
In the Line of Fire
, CBS NEWS: 60 MINUTES (Feb. 11, 2009)(noting that, "[t]he U.S. made it clear that [the
Pakistani government's] relationship [with the Afghan Taliban government] would have to end."),
available at
http://www.cbsnews.com/2100-18560_162-2030165.html.
81
See, e.g., SHUJA NAWAZ, CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, FATA- A MOST DANGEROUS
P
LACE 9 (2009), available at http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/081218_nawaz_fata_web.pdf.
18
government scaled up military efforts to combat some of the armed non-state groups
operating in Pakistan.
82
For the past decade, violence in northwest Pakistan has involved a range of armed nonstate
actor groups, Pakistani forces, and US forces (through drones). The armed nonstate
groups reportedly operating in the region include Al Qaeda, the Quetta Shura, the
Haqqani Network, the Tehrik-i-Taliban, Pakistan (TTP), and Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-
Muhammadi (TNSM).
83 Some of these groups have been involved in attacks against
Pakistani civilians and government targets, while others have engaged in battles with US
and Afghan forces across the border in Afghanistan.
The Taliban has also attempted to control local FATA governance functions. As New
American Foundation analyst Brian Fishman has written:
Before the arrival of the Taliban in 2001. . . . [t]he government was perceived as
corrupt, [and] tribal judicial processes as unfair and too slow. The Taliban's strict
interpretation of sharia did not appeal to everyone in the tribal agencies,
but…Taliban courts resolved disputes between tribes and clans that had dragged
on for decades. The Taliban even limited corruption among some political
agents.
84
However, the methods employed by the Taliban in FATA have often been extremely
violent, and analysts have noted the ways in which they have weakened existing social
structures. As Fishman observes:
Taliban militants have systematically undermined the tribal system, which serves
as a social organizing principle and the primary system of governance in the
FATA. The most overt method has been to kill the tribal elders who serve as
interlocutors between the political agent and locals. The assassinations serve the
dual purpose of intimidating local tribes and eliminating the tenuous links
between Pakistan's central government and tribes in the FATA.
85
82
See generally A. RAUF KHAN KHATTAK, FUNDAMENTALISM, MUSHARRAF AND THE GREAT DOUBLE GAME IN
N
ORTH-WEST PAKISTAN (2011).
83
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, CIVILIANS IN ARMED CONFLICT: CIVILIAN HARM AND
C
ONFLICT IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 25 (2010), available at
http://www.civicworldwide.org/storage/civicdev/documents/civic%20pakistan%202010%20final.pdf.
84
BRIAN FISHMAN, NEW AMERICAN FOUNDATION, THE BATTLE FOR PAKISTAN: MILITANCY AND CONFLICT
A
CROSS THE FATA AND NWFP 5 (2010), available at
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/fishman.pdf.
85
Id. at 6 (citations omitted); see also AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, 'AS IF HELL FELL ON ME': THE HUMAN
R
IGHTS CRISIS IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 39 (2010), available at
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/004/2010/en/1ea0b9e0-c79d-4f0f-a43d
19
As many have reported, Taliban forces have been responsible for a wide range of severe
abuses against civilians in FATA. According to the Campaign for Innocent Victims in
Conflict (CIVIC), an organization dedicated to promoting the right of civilian victims to
amends, attacks by armed non-state actors in northwest Pakistan have "directly targeted
civilians, shattering lives and spreading fear."
86 Amnesty International, in a 2010 report,
elaborated on abuses by the Taliban in FATA:
The Taleban's violent conduct quickly shocked many locals, even though many
people in northwest Pakistan adhered to conservative religious and cultural
practices…Taleban forced men to maintain long beards; wear caps; not smoke,
watch television, or listen to music; attend religious teachings; and pray five
times a day at mosque. They used violence to force women to stay inside if not
veiled, and to be accompanied by a male relative outside the home. . . . militants
began attacking military look-out posts (also known as pickets), bridges, schools,
hospitals, electricity and mobile telephone towers, markets, and shops, civilian
and military convoys, anti-Taleban tribal elders, and so-called spies.
87
While often linked by broad ideology, armed non-state groups in northwest Pakistan
differ on issues such as operational strategies and willingness to collaborate with
Pakistani authorities. The Haqqani Network and Quetta Shura, for example, have
reportedly collaborated in particular ways with the Pakistani state.
88 Other groups have
98f7739ea92e/asa330042010en.pdf ("[T]he Taleban aggressively moved to weaken the existing tribal
structure by killing or intimidating tribal elders and government officials….Taleban forces also began to
launch attacks against the government, those believed to support the government, and other political
rivals.").
86
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 83, at 15.
87
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, supra note 85, at 39; see HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, WORLD REPORT 2012:
P
AKISTAN 1,5 (2012), available at
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/related_material/pakistan_2012.pdf (noting that "[t]he Taliban
and affiliated groups targeted civilians and public spaces, including marketplaces and religious
processions," and they "regularly threaten media outlets over their coverage"); s
ee also Salman
Masood,
Pakistani Taliban kills 22 Shiites in Bus Attack, N.Y. TIMES (Aug. 16,
2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/17/world/asia/pakistani-taliban-kill-22-shiites-in-busattack.
html; Declan Walsh,
Taliban Block Vaccinations in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES (June 18,
2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/19/world/asia/taliban-block-vaccinations-in-pakistan.html.
88
On the collaborative nature of the relationship between the Haqqani Network and the Pakistani state,
see C
OMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT, HAQQANI NETWORK FINANCING: THE EVOLUTION OF AN
I
NDUSTRY (2012). On the collaborative relationship between Quetta Shura and Pakistan, see Matt
Waldman,
The Sun in the Sky: The Relationship Between Pakistan's ISI and Afghan Insurgents (LSE
Crisis States Research Centre Discussion Paper 18, June 2010),
available at
http://www2.lse.ac.uk/internationalDevelopment/research/crisisStates/download/dp/dp18%20incl%20
Dari.pdf. For a suggestion that there is a difference between full support and an effort to influence
militant organizations, see Hussein Nadim,
The Quiet Rise of the Quetta Shura, FOREIGN POL'Y (Aug. 14,
2012), http://afpak.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/08/14/the_quiet_rise_of_the_quetta_shura.
20
attacked Pakistani targets brutally, particularly after a high profile hostage crisis at the
Lal Masjid
, or Red Mosque.89 In July 2007, the Pakistani military stormed the mosque,
which had been occupied by an extremist cleric and thousands of followers.
90 The clash
resulted in over 100 deaths.
91
The response of the Pakistani authorities to increased militancy in FATA has involved
military engagement, interspersed with failed ceasefires and peace agreements.
92
Pakistani forces engaged in the conflict in northwest Pakistan include the federal
paramilitary force Frontier Corps (FC), the Inter-Service Intelligence Agency (ISI), and
tribal
lashkars (traditional tribal militias).93 Pakistani forces have been responsible for
severe rights abuses, particularly in the course of counterterrorism operations. These
have included extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, as well as complicity
in the murder of journalists.
94 Amnesty International has noted that "government forces
are also culpable of systematic and widespread human rights violations in FATA and
[the Northwest Frontier Province], both in the course of military operations and
by subjecting suspected insurgents to arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance and
apparent extrajudicial execution."
95 According to Human Rights Watch, "[t]he
government appeared powerless to rein in the military's abuses."
96
U
NDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT
FATA consists of seven agencies and six Frontier Regions, and is bordered by the
Durand line and Afghanistan to the west, by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province to the north
and east, and by Balochistan province to the south.
97
89
Fishman, supra note 84, at 3.
90
Pakistan: A Mosque Red with Blood, ECONOMIST (July 5, 2007),
http://www.economist.com/node/9435066.
91
Syed Shoaib Hasan, Profile: Islamabad's Red Mosque, BBC NEWS (July 27, 2007),
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/6503477.stm.
92
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 83, at 9.
93
Id.
94
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, supra note 87, at 1, 5.
95
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, supra note 85, at 49.
96
Id. at 2.
97
There are no large cities in FATA, and only 2% of the total population of Pakistan lives within the
territory. The nearest large city is Peshawar, which lies just a couple of miles outside the western border of
Khyber Agency. Islamabad is located nearly 200 km southeast of Peshawar; Lahore is just over 500 km
21
FATA:
The epicenter of the US
targeted killing program is the
FATA of Pakistan, a semiautonomous
territory approximately
the size of the state of
Maryland that runs along the
Afghanistan-Pakistan border.
98
southeast of Peshawar. The largest cities in FATA are Wana in South Waziristan, and Miranshah in North
Waziristan.
98
According to the 1998 census data, the total area of FATA is 27,220 square kilometers. Population
Demography
, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA SECRETARIAT,
http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=56&Itemid=92 (last visited June 1,
2012). FATA is subject to the direct authority of the President of Pakistan.
See Administrative System,
G
OVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA SECRETARIAT,
http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=50&Itemid=84 (last visited June 1,
2012).
22
P
ASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS
FATA is inhabited almost entirely by Pashtuns,
99 a group of tribes that first settled in the
area more than 1,000 years ago. The various Pashtun tribes live not only in FATA, but
also in large parts of south and east Afghanistan. Altogether, there are some 25 million
Pashtuns worldwide, making it one of the largest tribal groups in the world.
100 Because
of the shared ethnicity and porous nature of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, Pashtuns
on either side regularly interact with each other.
101
Pashtun social life and legal norms are framed by
Pashtunwali/Pukhtunwali ("the way
of the Pashtuns"), an ethical code and "system of customary legal norms."
102 Its
fundamental principles include "[h]onour of the individual and honour of groups;
[f]ighting spirit and bravery; [e]quality and respect for seniors; [c]onsultation and
decision making; [w]illpower and sincerity; [c]ompensation and retaliation; [g]enerosity
and hospitality; [p]ride and zeal."
103
One particularly important principle of Pashtunwali is
melmastia or hospitality. Such
"hospitality whether individually or collectively expressed, is one of the major cognitive,
tangible and coherent symbols of 'Pukhtunwali' to the Pathan."
104 This concept, in turn,
is related to the principle of
nanawatey/nanawati, or asylum, sometimes defined as "to
enter into the security of a house."
105 Thus, "the defense of the guest comes under the
norm of
nanawati. . . . the guest is protected and his enemies repelled for as long as he
stays."
106 Together, the two concepts impose a high burden on Pashtuns to provide for
99
ANATOL LIEVEN, PAKISTAN: A HARD COUNTRY 383 (2011). The ethnic group is sometimes also referred to
as Pakhtun or Pathan.
100
Thomas H. Johnson and M. Chris Mason, No Sign Until the Burst of Fire, 32 INT'L SECURITY 41, 50
(2008).
101
See, e.g., Angel Rabasa, RAND CORP., UNGOVEREND TERRITORIES 5 (2008) (testimony of Angel Rabasa at
the Hearing Before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, S. Comm. On Nat'l Security
& Foreign Affairs, 110
th Cong.), available at
http://www.rand.org/pubs/testimonies/2008/RAND_CT299.pdf.
102
LUTZ RZEHAK, AFGHANISTAN ANALYSTS NETWORK, DOING PASHTO 3 (2011), available at http://aanafghanistan.
com/uploads/20110321LR-Pashtunwali-FINAL.pdf.
103
Id. at 2.
104
AKHBAR S. AHMED, MILLENNIUM AND CHARISMA AMONG PATHANS 59 (1976).
105
Palwasha Kakar, Tribal Law of Pashtunwali and Women's Legislative Authority 4 (Afghan Legal
History Project, Harvard Law School, 2004),
http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/kakar.pdf.
106
Id. at 4; see also David Ignatius, Afghan Reconciliation Strategy Should Reflect Pashtun Culture,
W
ASH. POST (May 16, 2010), http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/
content/article/2010/05/14/AR2010051404320.html.
23
and protect guests and those seeking asylum. The
Pashtunwali demands "the feeding of
strangers and friends, both in [sic] guest house and in the home."
107 This duty to provide
hospitality to all may create complications where it leads civilians to provide shelter to
armed non-state actors, not out of support for their cause, but to fulfill a fundamental
duty.
108
G
OVERNANCE
FATA is a territory subject to the direct authority of the Pakistani President.
109 Laws
passed by the Parliament of Pakistan have no effect in FATA unless the President so
directs,
110 and the Pakistani courts have no jurisdiction in FATA.111 Only the President of
Pakistan has the power to issue and enforce new regulations, "for the peace and good
governance" of FATA.
112 The executive's administrative role is generally limited to
overseeing development projects and punishing crime. In practice, the administration of
development in FATA is carried out primarily by the Civil Secretariat FATA, in
cooperation with the Secretariat of the Governor of the neighboring province of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa.
113 Each of the seven FATA agencies are administered by a political agent,
who supervises federal development projects and handles inter-tribal disputes.
114
107
Kakar, supra note 105, at 4.
108
See, e.g., Rebecca Conway, The Battle Against Militancy in South Waziristan, REUTERS (June 6, 2011),
http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/06/06/idINIndia-57520420110606 ("Pashtuns are also hospitable
and protective of visitors. So persuading them to go after or hand over militants can be a daunting task.");
Honour Among Them
, ECONOMIST (DEC. 19, 2006), http://www.economist.com/node/8345531 (noting
that the Pashtun duty of
nanawatai or sanctuary requires that asylum be provided to "whoever requests
it," and relating the story of a Pashtun woman who provided such refuge to the killer of her own son).
109
Administrative System, supra note 98 ("FATA . . . remains under the direct executive authority of the
President (Articles 51, 59 and 247).").
110
Id. ( "Laws framed by the National Assembly do not apply here unless so ordered by the President.").
111
Wasseem Ahmed Shah, FCR Reform Process Should Not Stop, DAWN (Aug. 15, 2011),
http://dawn.com/2011/08/15/fcr-reform-process-should-not-stop/ ("[T]hrough Article 147 of the
Constitution, the superior courts have been barred from exercising jurisdiction in Fata.").
112
PAKISTAN CONST. art. 247.
113
Administrative System, supra note 98 ("[T]oday, FATA continues to be governed primarily through
the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901. It is administered by Governor of the KPK in his capacity as agent to
the President of Pakistan, under the overall supervision of the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions in
Islamabad." (citation omitted)).
114
LIEVEN, supra note 99, at 382.
24
The most important legal and social institution for the resolution of community conflicts
in FATA is the
jirga, a decision-making assembly of male elders.115 Jirgas can vary in
formality, but in essence they are group discussions in which community problems are
resolved, and legal issues addressed.
116 The jirga system is based on Pashtun
conceptions of justice, community input, and effective administration of local affairs.
117
Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), a system of laws applicable only to FATA,
institutionalizes both the Pashtun tribes' traditional reliance on the
jirga as the primary
mechanism for dispute resolution, and the British
maliki patronage system used to
subjugate the tribes. Under FCR, individual residents can bring disputes before selected
tribal elders called
maliki (singular: malik), who settle disputes in a jirga according to
Pashtun codes.
118 Importantly, a malik is the liaison elder selected by the government,
not necessarily the most authoritative elder in the tribe. Much police work is entrusted
to
khassadars, government employees administered at the local level by maliks,119 who
serve as a locally recruited auxiliary police force.
120
The political agent in each FATA agency has funding and broad powers to "secure the
loyalty of influential elements in the area," i.e. by providing the
malik with "hospitality"
allowances in exchange for furthering the government's agendas.
121
115
See SHERZAMAN TAIZI, JIRGA SYSTEM IN TRIBAL LIFE (2007), available at
http://www.tribalanalysiscenter.com/PDF-TAC/Jirga%20System%20in%20Tribal%20Life.pdf; H
ASSAN
M. Y
OUSUFZAI & ALI GOHAR, TOWARDS UNDERSTANDING PUKHTOON JIRGA (2005), available at
http://peace.fresno.edu/docs/Pukhtoon_Jirga.pdf;
see also infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
116
See LUTZ RZEHAK, AFGHANISTAN ANALYSTS NETWORK, DOING PASHTO 14 (2011), available at http://aanafghanistan.
com/uploads/20110321LR-Pashtunwali-FINAL.pdf; T
AIZI, supra note 115; YOUSUFZAI &
G
OHAR, supra note 115.
117
See generally RZEHAK, surpa note 116; TAIZI, supra note 115; YOUSUFZAI & GOHAR, supra note 115.
118
Administrative System, supra note 98 ("[J]irga and Maliki systems are strong and powerful local
institutions for the reconciliation and resolution of local disputes and even to punish those who violate the
local rules and customs.").
119
IMTIAZ GUL, THE MOST DANGEROUS PLACE: PAKISTAN'S LAWLESS FRONTIER 49 (2010).
120
LIEVEN, supra note 99, at 455.
121
Anita Joshua, Pakistan: Undoing a Colonial Legacy, HINDU (Sept. 5, 2011),
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2427237.ece. Reforms to FCR enacted in August 2011
included some increased scrutiny of the use of funds by political agents, but it will likely only affect the
most egregious incidents of bribery. Under the Pashtunwali code, hospitality is a legitimate and vitally
necessary element of the
jirga. See Nasir Iqbal, Major Changes Made in FCR: FATA People Get Political
Rights
, DAWN (Aug. 13, 2011), http://dawn.com/2011/08/13/major-changes-made-in-fcr-fata-people-getpolitical-
rights/.
25
E
CONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS
FATA suffers from one of highest poverty rates in the world. The per capita income is
approximately US$250 per year, with 60 percent of the population living below the
national poverty line.
122 Undeveloped infrastructure and low per capita public
development expenditure have resulted in an overall literacy rate of only 17 percent.
Most of the population depends on subsistence agriculture, manual labor, small-scale
local business, or remittances from relatives working abroad or in other regions of
Pakistan for survival.
123 In North Waziristan, chromite mining operations also provide
limited contract jobs near the Afghan border.
124 There are only 41 hospitals in the
region,
125 and an estimated one doctor for every 6,762 residents.126
In North Waziristan, extended families often live together in compounds that contain
several homes, often constructed with mud.
127 Most compounds include a hujra, which
is the main gathering room for men and the area in which male family members
entertain visitors.
128 The hujra is often in close proximity to buildings reserved
exclusively for women and children. As a result, the shrapnel and resulting blast of a
missile strike on a
hujra can and has killed and injured women and children in these
nearby structures.
129
122
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, COMBATING TERRORISM: THE UNITED STATES
L
ACKS COMPREHENSIVE PLAN TO DESTROY THE TERRORIST THREAT AND CLOSE THE SAFE HAVEN IN PAKISTAN'S
F
EDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREAS (2008), available at
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GAOREPORTS-GAO-08-622/pdf/GAOREPORTS-GAO-08-622.pdf.
123
See id.; Economy and Livelihood, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA
S
ECRETARIAT, http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=54&Itemid=90 (last
visited July 16, 2012).
124
See Economy and Livelihood, supra note 123; Department of Minerals, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
F
EDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA,
http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=54&Itemid=90 (last visited July 16,
2012).
125
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, supra note 122.
126
Id.
127
Interview with Noor Behram in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Dawood Ishaq
(anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
128
Tribal and Ethnic Diversity, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA
S
ECRETARIAT, http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=53&Itemid=87.
129
See JAMES H. STUHMILLER, BORDEN INSTITUTE, BLAST INJURY: TRANSLATING RESEARCH INTO
O
PERATIONAL MEDICINE (2008), available at
http://www.bordeninstitute.army.mil/other_pub/blast/Blast_monograph.pdf;
see also Interview with
Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012) (describing how the January 23, 2009 strike on his
relatives "destroyed the entire house—it destroyed the
hujra and the house was badly damaged. . . .
26
A
CCESSING FATA
While FATA has been termed "the most dangerous place,"
130 few outside the region have
a thorough understanding of life in the area. Citing security concerns, the Pakistani
military has barred not only the media and virtually all international organizations from
entering the region, but also most Pakistani nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
and non-FATA-resident Pakistani citizens.
131 While outsiders cannot get in, neither can
residents easily get out. Residents are regularly subjected to extended and unplanned
curfews that limit their mobility,
132 in some cases even preventing them from getting
appropriate medical care,
133 or holding funerals for loved ones who have been killed.134
When the curfews are lifted, travel within and outside of the region is hampered by
armed non-state actor activity, and a network of military and civilian checkpoints that
subject residents to intense interrogation and harassment.
135 Trips that would normally
take only a few hours can take days, or travelers may be turned back before they reach
their destination.
136
The barriers to information are more than just physical. Journalists trying to report on
the situation in FATA are subject to threats and pressure from the local administration,
security forces, and militants, all of whom have an interest in controlling the
[T]here was [a child] in the
hujra as well."); Interview with Rashid Salman (anonymized name) in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("The attack was on a
hujra . . . there were women and children
nearby. . . . Women, children, and men [died] . . .").
130
This characterization forms the title of a book on FATA by Imtiaz Gul. GUL, supra note 119.
131
In rare instances, the Pakistani military does take prominent international journalists on one-day visits
to the region. During such visits, access is restricted to pre-determined areas and journalists are under
constant supervision, ostensibly for their own safety.
See Interview with G.Z., journalist with major
western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with K.N.,
journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
132
See INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, PAKISTAN: COUNTERING MILITANCY IN FATA 9 (2009), available at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/southasia/
pakistan/178_pakistan___countering_militancy_in_fata.pdf. Our team had firsthand experience
with the effects of curfews on mobility in FATA, as more than a dozen interviewees for this report were
delayed by three days due to an unexpected curfew and reported fighting between the Taliban and
Pakistani forces.
133
Zulfiqar Ali & Muhammad Irfan, Measles Surge: North Waziristan Tribesmen Face Double Whammy,
E
XPRESS TRIBUNE (May 13, 2012), http://tribune.com.pk/story/377965/measles-surge-north-waziristantribesmen-
face-double-whammy/ (quoting Azmat Khan Dawar, a resident of Shahzad Kot in Datta Khel
sub-district of North Waziristan, as saying: "despite the deteriorating condition of my [two-year old]
daughter [who had measles], I was unable to take her to the hospital due to a curfew.").
134
See INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, supra note 132, at 9.
135
Id.
136
For a discussion of how these challenges affected our research, see infra Methodology section.
27
information reported.
137 Residents of FATA and professionals who live there, including
doctors and humanitarian workers, also live in fear of violence from Pakistani,
American, and Taliban forces.
138 High-profile stories of Taliban retaliation against
individuals suspected of spying for the US have generated widespread suspicion
throughout Waziri communities. Most recently, in February 2012, the Taliban
reportedly beheaded a 70-year-old baker suspected of spying for the US.
139 Earlier, in
2009, Taliban forces reportedly executed 19-year old Habibur Rehman for allegedly
dropping US-provided "transmitter chips" at local Taliban and Al Qaeda houses,
signaling specific targets for CIA drone strikes.
140 In a videotaped "confession," Rehman
admitted to "throwing the chips all over" because the money was so good.
141 The story
bred fear and suspicion throughout Waziristan, where residents are "gripped by rumors
that paid CIA informants have been planting tiny silicon-chip homing devices" that
attract the drones.
142 Many of the Waziris we interviewed spoke of a constant fear of
being tagged with a chip by a neighbor or someone else who works for either Pakistan or
the US, and of the fear of being falsely accused of spying by local Taliban.
143
137
See, e.g., Amirza Afridi, FATA Journalists: The Forgotten Scribes of a Secret War, EXPRESS TRIBUNE
(Sept. 10, 2011), http://tribune.com.pk/story/249142/fata-journalists-the-forgotten-scribes-of-a-secretwar/;
Ikram Junaidi,
FATA Journalists on Razor's Edge, DAWN (Mar. 1, 2012),
http://dawn.com/2012/03/01/fata-journalists-on-razors-edge/ ("President [of the] Tribal Union of
Journalists Safdar Hayat Dawar . . . alleged that both the military and Taliban forced mediapersons to file
stories of their choice, adding [that] both didn't care about human rights."); Rahimullah Yusufzai,
Pakistani Journalists Under Siege
, NEWSLINE (Feb. 29, 2012),
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2012/02/pakistani-journalists-under-siege/.
138
See, e.g., Interviews with Medical Professionals in Pakistan (2012); see also Interview with Marwan
Aleem (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Umar Ashraf
(anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Ismail Hussain in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar.
9, 2012).
139
M. Ibrahim, Tribesmen Condemn Taliban Killing of 70-Year-Old Baker, CENTRAL ASIA ONLINE (Feb.
21, 2012),
http://centralasiaonline.com/en_GB/articles/caii/features/pakistan/main/2012/02/21/feature-01.
140
Carol Grisanti & Mushtaq Yusufzai, Taliban-Style Justice for Alleged US Spies, MSNBC (Apr. 17,
2009), http://worldblog.nbcnews.com/_news/2009/04/17/4376383-taliban-style-justice-for-alleged-usspies?
lite.
141
Id.
142
See, e.g., Jane Mayer, supra note 40; see also infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
143
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (2012); Interview with Khalil
Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Hayatullah Ayoub
(anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Noor Behram in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.
26, 2012); Interview with Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), and Sameer Rahman (anonymized
28
name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012); Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name) in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
29
C
HAPTER 2: NUMBERS
US officials rarely mention civilian casualties by US drone strikes. When they do, they
generally offer extremely low estimates in the "single digits."
144 It is very difficult–given
the opaqueness of the US government about its targeted killing program, and the
obstacles currently faced by independent observers investigating on the ground–to
determine precisely the total number of individuals killed, let alone the number of
civilians who have been killed or injured in drone strikes in Pakistan. Yet the numbers of
civilians killed are undoubtedly far higher than the few claimed by US officials.
At the same time, however, given the military effect of drone strikes themselves, as well
as the political impact caused by reports of civilian deaths from drone strikes in
Pakistan, the Taliban and other armed groups have an interest in exaggerating civilian
casualty figures.
145 Caution, therefore, must be exercised around all claims, and
underlying sources must be scrutinized. It should also be noted that such concerns
about both exaggeration and under-counting are not unique to the drone strike context,
and are present in many conflict and government use of force contexts around the
world.
This section aims to account for the contradictory claims made about drone casualties,
and to explain the obstacles to certainty about who has been or is being killed by the US.
First, we consider the concerning implications of reducing all casualties to an
oversimplified civilian/"militant" binary, as most government and media sources do. We
then examine the biases and demonstrated unreliability of government accounts of
drone strikes, and explain the various factors that produce conflicting and often
unreliable reporting by major media outlets. Lastly, we detail the methods and content
of the three most well-known and widely cited strike data aggregators—
The Long War
Journal
, New American Foundation, and The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
(
TBIJ)–and outline why TBIJ's data currently constitute the most reliable available
source.
144
Jo Becker & Scott Shane, Secret 'Kill List' Proves a Test of Obama's Principles and Will, N.Y. TIMES
(May 29, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all;
see also infra note 156.
145
See David Rohde, The Drone War, REUTERS (Jan. 26, 2012),
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/01/26/us-david-rohde-drone-wars-idUSTRE80P11I20120126
(observing, in the context of Afghanistan and Pakistan, that "militants use exaggerated reports of civilian
deaths to recruit volunteers and stoke anti-Americanism").
30
T
ERMINOLOGY
Major media outlets in the US, Europe, and Pakistan that report on drone strikes tend to
divide all those killed by drone strikes into just two categories: civilians or "militants."
This reflects and reinforces a widespread assumption and misunderstanding that all
"militants" are legitimate targets for the use of lethal force, and that any strike against a
"militant" is lawful. This binary distinction, in turn, feeds the political discourse around
drone warfare, enabling commentators and analysts to make sweeping claims about the
program's efficacy and accuracy. The civilian/"militant" distinction is extremely
problematic, however, from a legal perspective, and also because of the questionable
reliability of the information on which "militant" determinations are based.
First, in most coverage of drone strike casualties, "militant" is never defined. The term's
use often implies to the reader that the killing of that person was lawful. The frequent
use of the word "militant" to describe individuals killed by drones often obscures
whether those killed are in fact lawful targets under the international legal regime
governing the US operations in Pakistan. It is not necessarily the case that any person
who might be described as a "militant" can be lawfully intentionally killed. As discussed
in the Legal Analysis section, Chapter 4,
146 in order for an intentional lethal targeting to
be lawful, a fundamental set of legal tests must be satisfied. For example, depending on
the applicable legal framework (but at the very minimum): the targeted individual must
either be directly participating in hostilities with the US (international humanitarian
law) or posing an imminent threat that only lethal force can prevent (international
human rights law). Thus, for instance, members of militant groups with which the US is
not in an armed conflict are not lawful targets, absent additional circumstances (such as
evidence that lethal force against that person is proportionate and necessary). Further,
simply being suspected of some connection to a "militant" organization—or, under the
current administration's apparent definition, simply being a male of military age in an
area where "militant" organizations are believed to operate
147–is not alone sufficient to
make someone a permissible target for killing.
148 Failure by government and media
146
See infra Chapter 4: Legal Analysis.
147
Becker & Shane, supra note 144.
148
Philip Alston, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary
executions, has explained that a person who merely engages in "political advocacy, supplying food or
shelter, or economic support or propaganda" for Al Qaeda or its affiliates is not a legitimate target under
international humanitarian or human rights law, because such conduct does not rise to the level of direct
participation in hostilities. Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions,
Study
on Targeted Killing
, ¶ 57-69, Human Rights Council, UN Doc A/HRC/14/24/Add.6 (May 28, 2010) (by
Philip Alston);
see also infra Chapter 4: Legal Analysis.
31
sources to provide any additional details about most of those killed often makes it
difficult to assess the legality of any particular attack.
Second, the label "militant" also fails to distinguish between so-called "high-value"
targets with alleged leadership roles in Al Qaeda or anti-US Taliban factions, and lowlevel
alleged insurgents with no apparent access or means of posing a serious or
imminent threat to the US. National security analysts—and the White House itself—
have found that the vast majority of those killed in drone strikes in Pakistan have been
low-level alleged militants.
149 Based on conversations with unnamed US officials, a
Reuters
journalist reported in 2010 that of the 500 "militants" the CIA believed it had
killed since 2008, only 14 were "top-tier militant targets," and 25 were "mid-to-highlevel
organizers" of Al Qaeda, the Taliban, or other hostile groups.
150 His analysis found
that "the C.I.A. [had] killed around 12 times more low-level fighters than mid-to-highlevel"
during that same period.
151 More recently, Peter Bergen and Megan Braun of the
New America Foundation reported that fewer than 13% of drone strikes carried out
under Obama have killed a "militant leader."
152 Bergen and Braun also reported that
since 2004, some 49 "militant leaders" have been killed in drone strikes, constituting
"2% of all drone-related fatalities."
153
Third, major media outlets, the main source for public information on drone strikes,
typically cite to "anonymous officials"
154 (generally from Pakistan) for the claim that a
certain number of those killed were "militants."
155 Often, little to no information is
presented to support the claim. And, it is entirely unclear what, if any, investigations are
carried out by the Pakistani or US governments to determine who and how many people
were killed. It is these media reports that are typically compiled by drone strike data
aggregators and become the basis for statistical claims about the US drone program.
149
Adam Entous, Special Report: How the White House Learned to Love the Drone, REUTERS (May 18,
2010), http://www.reuters.com/article/2010/05/18/us-pakistan-drones-idUSTRE64H5SL20100518;
see
Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland,
CIA Drone War in Pakistan in Sharp Decline, CNN (Mar. 28, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/03/27/opinion/bergen-drone-decline/index.html.
150
Entous, supra note 149.
151
Id.
152
Peter Bergen & Megan Braun, Drone is Obama's Weapon of Choice, CNN (Sept. 6, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/09/05/opinion/bergen-obama-drone/index.html.
153
Id.
154
See infra notes 241-269 and accompanying text.
155
See infra note 187 and accompanying text.
32
U
NDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES
While western media outlets are generally quick to report official US accounts of drone
strikes and their attendant casualties, those government sources have proved to be
unreliable. Civilian death toll figures cited by the Obama administration during the last
few years have been so low
156 that even the most conservative nongovernmental civilian
casualty estimates—including those released by think tanks such as the Foundation for
Defense of Democracies
157 and the Jamestown Foundation158—contradict the
administration's claims.
159 Most recently, officials in the Obama administration asserted
that civilian casualties in Pakistan have been "exceedingly rare,"
160 perhaps even in the
"single digits" since Obama took office.
161 These estimates are far lower than media
reports, eyewitness accounts, and the US government's own anonymous leaks
suggest.
162
156
Most notably, the President's top counterterrorism advisor, John O. Brennan, claimed in June 2011
that the US had not killed a single civilian since August 23, 2010.
See Obama Administration
Counterterrorism Strategy
(C-Span television broadcast June 29, 2011), http://www.cspanvideo.
org/program/AdministrationCo;
see also Chris Woods, US Claims of 'No Civilian Deaths' are
Untrue
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (July 18, 2011),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/07/18/washingtons-untrue-claims-no-civilian-deaths-inpakistan-
drone-strikes/.
157
The Long War Journal, a project of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, claims that drones
have caused 138 civilian deaths since 2006. Bill Roggio & Alexander Mayer,
Charting the Data for US
Airstrikes in Pakistan, 2004—2012
, LONG WAR JOURNAL, http://www.longwarjournal.org/pakistanstrikes.
php (last updated Sept. 16, 2012). Bill Roggio, the
Long War Journal's managing editor, was
quoted in 2011 as saying "the C.I.A.'s claim of zero civilian casualties in a year is absurd." Scott Shane,
C.I.A. is Disputed on Civilian Toll in Drone Strikes
, N.Y. TIMES (Aug. 11, 2011),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12drones.html?pagewanted=all.
158
A study released by the Jamestown Foundation in late 2010 found that 68 people killed by drones in
Pakistan since 2004 "could be clearly identified as civilians." Bryan Glyn Williams, Matthew Fricker, &
Avery Plaw,
New Light on the Accuracy of the CIA's Predator Drone Campaign in Pakistan,
41 T
ERRORISM MONITOR 8 (2010).
159
Colonel David M. Sullivan, an Air Force pilot with "extensive experience with both traditional and
drone airstrikes" told the
New York Times that the US figures "do[] not sound . . . like reality." Shane,
C.I.A. is Disputed on Civilian Death Toll in Drone Strikes
, supra note 157.
160
John O. Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism, Remarks at
the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (Apr. 30, 2012),
available at
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-efficacy-and-ethics-us-counterterrorism-strategy.
161
Becker & Shane, supra note 144.
162
In 2009, an unnamed US official told the New York Times that the US had killed "just over 20"
civilians in the two preceding years. Scott Shane,
C.I.A. to Expand Use of Drones in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES
(Dec. 3, 2009), http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/04/world/asia/04drones.html?pagewanted=all. Five
months later, officials claimed the number since 2008 remained under 30. David S. Cloud,
CIA Drones
Have Broader List of Targets
, L.A. TIMES (May 5, 2010),
33
A recent exposé in the
New York Times partially helped to explain the White House's
astonishingly low estimates by revealing that the Obama administration considers "all
military-age males [killed] in a strike zone" to be "combatants . . . unless there is explicit
intelligence posthumously proving them innocent."
163 How the US would go about
gathering such posthumous evidence is unclear, in part because drone victims' bodies
are frequently dismembered, mutilated, and burned beyond recognition.
164 And
importantly, there is little evidence that US authorities have engaged in any effort to
visit drone strike sites or to investigate the backgrounds of those killed.
165 Indeed, there
is little to suggest that the US regularly takes steps even to identify all of those killed or
wounded.
Consistent with an apparent lack of diligence in discovering the identities of those killed,
there is also evidence that the US has tried to undermine individuals and groups that are
working to discover more about those killed. In August 2011, the
New York Times first
http://articles.latimes.com/2010/may/05/world/la-fg-drone-targets-20100506. A recent article
comparing statements given to the press by US officials found that the Obama administration's civilian
death estimates over the last two years have vacillated between 0 and 50.
See Justin Elliott, Obama
Administration's Drone Death Figures Don't Add Up
, PROPUBLICA (June 18, 2012),
http://www.propublica.org/article/obama-drone-death-figures-dont-add-up.
163
Becker & Shane, supra note 144.
164
Newspaper accounts of drone strikes sometimes note that the bodies of strike victims are too damaged
to be identified.
See, e.g., Drone Strike Kills 14 in NWA, NEWS (July, 24, 2012),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-13-16297-Drone-strikes-kill-14-in-NWA ("[B]odies were
damaged beyond recognition."); Haji Mujtaba,
US Drone Attack Kills 10 in Pakistan: Officials, REUTERS
(Feb. 8, 2012), http://in.reuters.com/article/2012/02/08/pakistan-drone-idINDEE81701N20120208
("Almost all the men were burnt beyond recognition.");
US Drone Attack Kills 10 in North Waziristan,
D
AILY TIMES (Feb. 9, 2012),
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012%5C02%5C09%5Cstory_9-2-2012_pg7_4
("'Almost all the men were burnt beyond recognition,' a villager said."). Several interviewees also told us
that the bodies recovered from strike sites are mutilated and burned beyond recognition.
See, e.g.,
Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("[T]heir
bodies were totally destroyed. . . . We can't say that it is exactly four persons [that were killed]. It could be
five or six as well because they were cut into pieces. We couldn't identify them.");
supra Chapter 3: Living
Under Drones.
165
US officials told the New York Times that the CIA and NSA investigate drone casualties by watching
the aftermath of strikes by video, and "track[ing] the funerals that follow." Shane,
C.I.A. is Disputed on
Civilian Death Toll in Drone Strikes
, supra note 157. They further "intercept cell phone calls and emails
discussing who was killed."
Id. The sufficiency of this method of post-strike investigation is questionable,
given frequently poor cell signals in the area, and given that most households do not have the electricity or
infrastructure to support an internet connection.
See Tayyeb Afridi, Would Social Media Bring Change to
Pakistan's Tribal Area?
, KUTNEWS AUSTIN (May 25, 2011), http://kutnews.org/post/would-social-mediabring-
change-pakistan%E2%80%99s-tribal-area (noting that social media and internet service are
generally unavailable in FATA due to lack of electricity, and high cost); Interview with Noor Behram, in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
34
reported on efforts by Pakistani human rights lawyer Shahzad Akbar and by
TBIJ, an
independent non-profit news reporting agency based at City University in London,
166 to
document civilian drone casualties. The
Times reported then that "anonymous US
officials" accused Akbar of "working to discredit the drone program at the behest of . . .
ISI, the Pakistani spy service."
167 The Times further reported that these officials argued
that the Bureau's data were "suspect" because of links to Akbar.
168 TBIJ released a
report a few months later on the US practice of targeting rescuers and funeral-goers.
169
Another anonymous official dismissed the report's findings with the statement, "[l]et's
be under no illusions—there are a number of elements who would like nothing more
than to malign these efforts and help Al Qaeda succeed."
170 The US has never provided
any evidence that might link Akbar to the ISI, or that might justify its allegation against
TBIJ
, relying instead on mainstream media sources to re-publish serious but
anonymous accusations made by its own officials.
171
Even before the Obama administration's novel definition of a "combatant" was
revealed,
172 a number of journalists who regularly cover drone strikes already recognized
166
TBIJ was founded to produce "high quality investigations for press and broadcast media with the aim
of educating the public and the media on both the realities of today's world and the value of honest
reporting."
About the Bureau, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/who/ (last visited Sept. 8, 2012). It was founded in 2010 with a
grant from the David and Elaine Potter Foundation, a British charity dedicated to promoting "reason,
education, and human rights" around the world. D
AVID & ELAINE POTTER FOUNDATION,
http://www.potterfoundation.com/ (last visited Sept. 8, 2012).
167
Shane, C.I.A. is Disputed on Civilian Death Toll in Drone Strikes, supra note 157.
168
Id.
169
Chris Woods & Christina Lamb, Obama Terror Drones: CIA Tactics in Pakistan Include Targeting
Rescuers and Funerals
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Feb. 4, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistaninclude-
targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/.
170
Scott Shane, US Said to Target Rescuers at Drone Strike Sites, N.Y. TIMES (Feb. 5, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/06/world/asia/us-drone-strikes-are-said-to-target-rescuers.html.
171
Scott Shane, the author of both articles, was criticized by Harvard's Nieman Foundation for Journalism
for attributing personal attacks to anonymous sources, which they said violates the
New York Times'
ethical policies governing the use of confidential sources. John Hanrahan,
Why is the New York Times
Enabling a US Government Smear Campaign Against Reporters Exposing the Drone Wars?
, NIEMAN
W
ATCHDOG (May 11, 2012),
http://www.niemanwatchdog.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=ask_this.view&askthisid=00562&forumaction=
post. In written correspondence with
Nieman Watchdog, Shane defended his use of the anonymous
quotes by explaining that these anonymous comments were all he was able to get from the US, and that he
has to use them in order to "include some voice from the other side."
Id.
172
Becker, supra note 144.
35
that the sweeping official claims of all-militant casualties were likely untrue.
173
Nonetheless, most major Western and Pakistani news agencies still tend to rely on
anonymous government sources and to report that strikes have killed "militants" or
"suspected militants."
174 Some of the media agencies update their reports later to reflect
contrary information if and when it emerges, but others, including major wire services,
have at times let their initial reports stand even after credible accounts of civilian
casualties have subsequently come to light.
175
C
ONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS
Media reports on drone strikes also often contradict one another on a range of strike
details, including the nationalities of victims, the number of persons killed, and the
types of structures targeted. For example, a May 24, 2012 strike in Khassokhel, Mir Ali
was reported by the
Associated Press as a strike on a "militant hideout" that killed "10
173
Interview with W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), and journalists
with Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012); Interview with G.Z., journalist with
major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with
K.N., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5,
2012).
174
After the New York Times piece, media sources have continued to rely on anonymous government
sources and tend to report that strikes have killed "militants" or "suspected militants."
See, e.g., Nasir
Habib,
Suspected Drone Attack Kills 12 in Pakistan, CNN (July 23, 2012),
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/pakistan-drone-attack/index.html; Salman Masood &
Ihsanullah Tipu Mehsud,
15 Killed in US Drone Strike in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES (July 6, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/07/world/asia/15-killed-in-us-drone-strike-in-pakistan-aimed-attaliban.
html?_r=1;
US Drone Strike 'Kills At Least Five' in North Waziristan, EXPRESS TRIBUNE (June 26,
2012), http://dawn.com/2012/06/26/us-drone-strike-kills-at-least-five-in-north-waziristan/ (reprinting
Agence France-Presse story);
Drone Strike Kills 4 in Pakistan Ahead of Allen Talks, CNN (June 26, 2012),
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/06/26/world/asia/pakistan-drone-strike/index.html;
US Drone Kills Nine
in North Waziristan
, NATION (July 6, 2012), http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-dailyenglish-
online/islamabad/06-Jul-2012/us-drone-strike-kills-4-in-nwaziristan (reprinting Agence France-
Presse story);
US Drone Kills Seven Militants in North Waziristan: Officials, DAWN (July 29, 2012),
http://dawn.com/2012/07/29/us-drone-strike-kills-four-in-north-waziristan-2/ (reprinting Agence
France-Presse story);
US Drone Strike Kills Six Militants in Pakistan: Officials, EXPRESS TRIBUNE (July 1,
2012), http://tribune.com.pk/story/401902/us-drone-strike-kills-six-militants-in-pakistan-officials/
(reprinting Agence France-Presse story);
US Drone Kills 12 Suspected Militants in Pakistan, REUTERS
(July 23, 2012), http://uk.reuters.com/article/2012/07/23/uk-pakistan-droneidUKBRE86M13G20120723;
Mushtuq Yusufzai,
US Drone Kills 8 Suspected Militants in Pakistan
Hideout
, MSNBC.COM (July 1, 2012), http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/01/12504073-usdrone-
kills-8-suspected-militants-in-pakistan-hideout?lite.
175
See Conflicting Media Reports, infra Chapter 2: Numbers.
36
alleged militants," most of whom were "Uzbek insurgents."
176 A Reuters wire released at
around the same time reported that the strike was on "suspected Islamist militants" and
killed ten people, while the
Agence France-Presse reported that there were five
"insurgents."
177 Neither Reuters nor AFP made any mention of the victims'
nationality.
178 The BBC, for its part, reported that the strike was on a "house," and that it
had killed "at least eight people" of "Turkmen origin."
179 Within twenty-four hours, a
number of other reputable sources, both western and Pakistani, reported that the strike
had actually hit a mosque during morning prayers,
180 and that some sources, at least,
contended that the dead included local Waziri villagers.
181 Some western media outlets
updated their reports to reflect these new allegations,
182 while others ignored the new
information.
183 The Associated Press referenced the May 24 strike in a separate article
four days later, but failed to mention the possibility that a mosque had been struck.
184
176
Rasool Dawar, Pakistan Officials Say US Drone Kills 10 Militants, AP WORLDSTREAM (May 24, 2012).
177
See Hasbanullah Khan, 'Five Militants Killed' by US Drone in Pakistan, AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (May
23, 2012),
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5h_NYzU3o4KUWtTBouMGdzKeOhqjw?docId=
CNG.12419227fd3472cf2255b588417525f8.341;
US Drone Kills 10 in Pakistan, IRISH TIMES (May 24,
2012), http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2012/0524/breaking8.html.
178
See supra note 177 and accompanying text. The AFP article did mention, however, that in addition to
"insurgents" being killed, there were reports that "a nearby mosque where three worshippers believed to
be Central Asian nationals were wounded."
See Khan, supra note 177.
179
The article did mention that "a nearby mosque was also damaged." US Drone 'Kills 8' in Pakistan, BBC
N
EWS (May 24, 2012), http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-18186093.
180
See, e.g., Drone Strike Hits Pakistan Mosque, Say Locals, CHANNEL 4 (May 24, 2012),
http://www.channel4.com/news/us-drone-attack-hits-pakistan-mosque; Malik Mumtaz Khan & Mushtaq
Yusufzai,
10 Killed in Drone Attack on NWA Mosque, NEWS (May 25, 2012),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-13-14861-10-killed-in-drone-attack-on-NWA-mosque;
US
Drone Strike Hits Mosque: 10 Killed
, NATION (May 25, 2012), http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-newsnewspaper-
daily-english-online/national/25-May-2012/us-drone-strike-hits-mosque-10-killed.
181
See, e.g., Drone Strike Hits Pakistan Mosque, Say Locals, supra note 180; Khan & Yusufzai, supra
note 180.
182
See, e.g., Khan, supra note 177; Mushtaq Yusufzai, Pakistan Official: US Drone Strike Hits Mosque; 10
Killed
, MSNBC.COM (May 23, 2012), http://worldnews.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/05/23/11839215-
pakistan-official-us-drone-strike-hits-mosque-10-killed?lite.
183
Chris Brummitt & Riaz Khan, Pakistan Convicts Doctor Who Helped Find bin Laden, AP
W
ORLDSTREAM (May 24, 2012), http://bigstory.ap.org/content/pakistan-convicts-doctor-who-helpedfind-
bin-laden-0; Haji Mujtaba,
UPDATE 2-US Drone Strike Kills 10 in Northwest Pakistan—Officials,
R
EUTERS (May 24, 2012), http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/24/us-pakistan-droneidUSBRE84N03I20120524.
184
Rasool Dawar, Associated Press, Pakistan: US Missiles Kill 5 Militants in NW, GUARDIAN (May 28,
2012),
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/10261577.
37
Instead,
AP wrote that "[t]he attack took place in a militant hideout" and that "[m]ost of
those killed were Uzbek insurgents," citing a Pakistani intelligence source.
185
The discrepancies in these reports are the result of numerous factors–primarily the US
government's opaqueness, compounded by the investigation obstacles faced by
independent actors. As described in Chapter 1 (Background and Context), Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) is closed to all outsiders, including Pakistani citizens
from outside the agencies. This means that few researchers or non-local journalists can
actually visit North Waziristan to investigate drone strike casualties independently.
When they do, they are often accompanied by Pakistani military forces who have an
interest in controlling their access to information and influencing their reporting.
186
Most journalists writing on drone strikes thus rely instead on a combination of
intelligence and military leaks, government sources who refuse to go on the record by
name, and, sometimes, local Waziri correspondents, or "stringers."
187 All of these
sources have the potential to be unreliable. First, the reliability of intelligence and
security reports, especially anonymous ones, should be questioned in light of their
political interests and the documented history of such officials incorrectly reporting
basic facts. For instance, Pakistani security officials initially reported that the wellknown
March 17, 2011 drone strike in Datta Khel destroyed a militant "house" where "a
group of some three dozen alleged Taliban fighters were meeting."
188 Convincing
evidence indicates that the strike was actually on an open-air bus depot, where
prominent civilian tribal leaders were holding a
jirga.189 "Official" reports from the local
government are also problematic because they come through the local political agent, an
185
Id.
186
The Pakistani military occasionally helicopters embedded journalists from American media outlets into
FATA for just a few hours at a time. Interview with G.Z., journalist with major western news source
(anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with K.N., journalist with major
western news source (anonymized initials) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
187
Interview with G.Z., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with K.N., journalist with major western news source (anonymized
initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
188
Dozens Die as US Drone Hits Pakistan Home, AL JAZEERA (Mar. 17, 2011),
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia/2011/03/20113178411386630.html. AFP also reported a security
official's claim about missiles striking a "militant training centre."
Militants Killed in Pakistan Drone
Strikes
, ABC NEWS (Mar. 17, 2011), http://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-03-17/militants-killed-inpakistan-
drone-strikes/2654524.
189
See March 17, 2011 Strike Narrative, infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
38
office notoriously insulated from the community in which it sits and which many
suspect will report whatever seems politically expedient at the time.
190
Local stringers are in many ways a significant improvement over government sources
because they have access to people and places unavailable to those outside of FATA.
191
Yet they also face a range of unique pressures and challenges that can limit their
usefulness to journalists on the outside.
192 First, some locals are reluctant to speak to
stringers about strikes at all, because years of living with ISI, Taliban, and US
intelligence operatives in their midst have left them justifiably fearful of retaliation from
all sides of the conflict. The ISI, for instance, is widely believed responsible for forcibly
disappearing and illegally detaining FATA citizens suspected of militant ties.
193 Paid CIA
informants are also rumored to have planted drone-targeting chips on neighbors.
194
Lastly, the Taliban is believed to have avenged drone strikes by killing those it believes
to be US spies.
195 Like local contacts, stringers themselves are also under strong
pressure from competing local interests, living under constant threat of violence from
both armed non-state actors and the Pakistani military if they fail to report information
favorable to one side or the other.
196 Indeed, the Tribal Union of Journalists FATA
190
Interview with Samina Ahmad, International Crisis Group, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 28, 2012);
Interview with W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials) and journalists with
Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012); Interview with Noor Behram, in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
191
Interview with journalists W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials) and
journalists with Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012).
192
Id.; Interview with journalist G.Z., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with journalist K.N., journalist with major western news
source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
193
See, e.g., Waseem Ahmad Shah, Illegal Detentions: Court Tells Army to Rein In Errant Agencies,
D
AWN (Apr. 13, 2011), http://dawn.com/2012/04/13/illegal-detentions-court-tells-army-to-rein-inerrant-
agencies/; Declan Walsh,
Court Challenges Put Unusual Spotlight on Pakistani Spy Agency, N.Y.
T
IMES (Feb. 6, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/07/world/asia/isi-in-pakistan-faces-courtcases.
html?pagewanted=all.
194
See Beyond Killing: Civilian Impacts of US Drone Strike Practices, infra Chapter 3: Living Under
Drones.
195
See, e.g., Taliban Shoot Dead Four 'US Spies' in North Waziristan, DAWN (Mar. 21, 2011),
http://dawn.com/2011/03/21/taliban-shoot-dead-four-us-spies-in-north-waziristan/.
196
See, e.g., Amirzada Afridi, FATA Journalists: The Forgotten Scribes of a Secret War, EXPRESS TRIBUNE
(Sept. 10, 2011), http://tribune.com.pk/story/249142/fata-journalists-the-forgotten-scribes-of-a-secretwar/;
Ikram Junaidi,
FATA Journalists on Razor's Edge, DAWN (Mar. 1, 2012),
http://dawn.com/2012/03/01/fata-journalists-on-razors-edge/ ("President [of the] Tribal Union of
Journalists Safdar Hayat Dawar . . . alleged that both the military and Taliban forced media persons to file
stories of their choice, adding [that] both didn't care about human rights."); Rahimullah Yusufzai,
Pakistani Journalists Under Siege
, NEWSLINE (Feb. 29, 2012),
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2012/02/pakistani-journalists-under-siege/; Micah Zenko,
The
39
reports that at least ten journalists or stringers have been killed since 2005,
197 and that
those still working in the area are subject to intimidation and coercion.
198
While many outside journalists are conscious of these pressures on their local sources
and of the hidden agenda behind government reports, they have very limited options for
getting information out of FATA.
199 Corroborating or challenging the divergent reports
they receive from officials, stringers, and locals is difficult. As a result, journalists often
find themselves in the position of having to choose between reporting "official" casualty
figures that they consider untrustworthy, or higher numbers from civilian sources that
they may be unable to corroborate.
200 Those who work for major news outlets and wire
services tend to spend more time embedded with military and intelligence officials and
are thus more likely to report "official" accounts.
201 Those who are not escorted into
FATA by the military rely more on locals and stringers.
202 The result is that different
journalists with different contacts get different stories, make different decisions about
who to trust, and frequently end up publishing conflicting accounts of each strike.
Courage of Pakistani Journalists
, ATLANTIC (Sept. 20, 2011),
http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/09/the-courage-of-pakistanijournalists/
245358/.
197
Tribal Union of Journalists FATA Martyred, TRIBAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS FATA,
http://www.tuj.com.pk/martyred.html (last visited May 25, 2012).
198
See, e.g., Government Urged to Ensure Security of Journalists in FATA, DAILY TIMES (Mar. 2, 2012),
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012%5C03%5C02%5Cstory_2-3-2012_pg7_19.
199
Interview with journalists W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials) and
journalists with Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012); Interview with journalist
G.Z., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7,
2012).
200
Interview with journalists W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials) and
journalists with Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012); Interview with journalist
G.Z., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7,
2012); Interview with journalist K.N., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
201
Interview with journalist G.Z., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 7, 2012); Interview with journalist K.N., journalist with major western news
source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5, 2012).
202
Interview with journalists W.K., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials) and
journalists with Pakistani news outlets, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 3, 2012); Interview with journalist
K.N., journalist with major western news source (anonymized initials), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 5,
2012).
40
O
THER CONSIDERATIONS THAT MAY LEAD TO CONFLICTING REPORTS
L
IMITED FIRST-HAND KNOWLEDGE
Even when journalists are able to get information directly from local residents or
stringers, there is no guarantee that those locals actually know the full extent of the
casualties around them, even among their own neighbors. Many traditional Waziri
families live in large, high-walled, multi-family compounds in which women and young
children work, eat, and sleep separately from men.
203 It is generally unacceptable to ask
direct questions to a male family member about female relatives, or to photograph
women.
204 As a result, male community members may not know details about one
another's families or households, including the exact number of people who live there,
and so may not be able to say how many people were inside a home before it was hit by a
drone strike. The result is that neighbors and second-hand witnesses may, in some
cases, underreport drone strike casualties simply because they do not know the full
extent of a given strike's toll.
U
NREPORTED STRIKES
At the time of this writing, the US is believed to have conducted 344 total strikes in
Pakistan, 52 between June 17, 2004 and January 2, 2009 (under President Bush),
205
and 292 strikes between January 23, 2009 and September 2, 2012 (under President
Obama).
206 Those numbers, which TBIJ has pieced together from available media
203
See, e.g., Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 9, 2012) (telling us he lives in a
large extended family compound of 50-60 relatives).
204
Population Demography, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA
S
ECRETARIAT, http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=56&Itemid=92 (last
visited Sept. 1, 2012) (noting that in FATA "tribal custom forbids the disclosure of information about
women to outsiders").
205
The Bush Years: Pakistan Strikes 2004-2009, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/the-bush-years-2004-2009/ (last visited Sept. 1,
2012).
206
Covert War On Terror—The Data, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/category/projects/drone-data/ (last visited Sept. 16, 2012).
41
reports,
207 may underestimate the total number of strikes, especially during the early
years of the drone program.
Between 2004 and 2007, the Pakistani government under President Musharraf
attempted to hide the fact of US strikes (and Pakistan's role in them) by contending that
the strikes were either Pakistani military operations, car bombs, or accidental
explosions.
208 Many of those claims were contradicted within days or weeks by
anonymous leaks and eyewitness accounts,
209 and by local journalists gathering
evidence at the scenes of the attacks.
210 In one unusually well-publicized incident, an
207
Covert US Strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia—Our Methodology, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE
J
OURNALISM, http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/pakistan-drone-strikes-themethodology2/
(last visited Sept. 1, 2012).
208
Gareth Porter, Why Pakistani Military Demands a Veto on Drone Strikes, INTERPRESS SERVICE (Aug.
16, 2011), http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=56873;
see also Accidental Blast While Assembling
Bomb Kills Eight
, GULF NEWS (Nov. 6, 2005) (reporting Pakistani army officials' claim that the November
5, 2005 strike was caused by militants who "set off a blast while making bombs at their compound"),
http://gulfnews.com/news/world/pakistan/accidental-blast-while-assembling-bombs-kills-eight-
1.443552;
CIA Drone Kills al-Qaeda Operative, MSNBC.COM (May 14, 2005) (reporting Pakistani officials
claim May 8, 2005 strike was car bomb explosion),
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/7847008/ns/us_news-security/t/cia-drone-kills-al-qaidaoperative/#.
T9VqdeJYvAs; Anwarullah Khan,
82 Die as Missiles Rain on Bajaur: Pakistan Owns Up to
Strike; Locals Blame US Drones
, DAWN (Oct. 31, 2006) (reporting Pakistani officials insist October 30,
2006 strike on a
madrassa that killed 69 children was a Pakistan Army operation),
http://archives.dawn.com/2006/10/31/top1.htm; Ismail Khan,
Senior Al Qaeda Commander Killed,
D
AWN (Dec. 3, 2005) (reporting Pakistani authorities claim December 1, 2005 strike was "the result of an
explosion inside the house"), http://archives.dawn.com/2005/12/03/top4.htm; Iqbal Khattak,
Nek Killed
in Missile Strike
, DAILY TIMES (June 19, 2004) (reporting the Pakistani military and intelligence sources
claim to have carried out June 14, 2004 strike using "US-provided night-capable helicopter"),
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_19-6-2004_pg1_1;
US Drone Attack? It Was Us,
Says Pakistan Army
, REUTERS (Jan. 19, 2007) (reporting Pakistani military insists January 19, 2007
strike was conducted by "helicopter gunships"), http://www.reuters.com/article/2007/01/19/uspakistan-
usa-idUSSP30752020070119.
209
See, e.g., Ismail Khan, supra note 208 (contradicting official reports to quote witnesses saying that
both Nov. 5, 2005 and Dec. 1, 2005 strikes were drone operations, and that the first had killed a woman
and children); Ismail Khan & Dilawar Khan Wazir,
Night Raid Kills Nek, Four Other Militants: Wana
Operation
, DAWN (Jun. 19, 2004) (speculating that June 18, 2004 strike may have been a targeted missile
from a "spy drone"), http://archives.dawn.com/2004/06/19/top1.htm; Dana Priest,
Surveillance
Operation in Pakistan Located and Killed al Qaeda Official
, WASH. POST (May 15, 2005) (revealing that
May 8, 2005 strike was conducted by a CIA Predator drone), http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/
articles/A60743-2005May15.html.
210
Local FATA journalist Hayatullah Khan was the first to gather conclusive evidence of US involvement
in a drone strike when he photographed Hellfire missile shrapnel in the rubble of a December 2005 strike
that killed two children.
See A Journalist in the Tribal Areas, FRONTLINE (Oct. 3, 2006),
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/taliban/tribal/hayatullah.html;
see also House-Owner Called
After Missile Attack
, DAWN (Dec. 5, 2005), http://archives.dawn.com/2005/12/05/top3.htm. Khan was
abducted four days afterward on December 5, 2005, and his body dumped in a ditch six months later with
42
official in the Musharraf regime reportedly asserted that the Pakistani military had
conducted a strike on a religious school in Bajaur that killed over 80 people, including
69 children.
211 One of Musharraf's aides reportedly told a Pakistani media source that
the government believed "it would be less damaging" to claim it had killed 82 people
than it would be to reveal that it had agreed to let the US carry out strikes on Pakistani
soil.
212 Musharraf's administration was reported to admit that the strike had been a US
operation only after political backlash from the strike turned out to be much greater
than the government had anticipated.
213 Considering the Musharraf government's
apparent efforts to cover up the US's role in drone strikes, and the fact that drones often
target remote or isolated areas, it is possible that other strikes from the 2004-2007
period have yet to be identified.
Our team's fieldwork in Pakistan documented at least one incident that might fit this
pattern. We interviewed 15 Waziris, including four survivors and four more who visited
the strike site within hours or days of the attack, who described to us what they believed
to have been a drone strike that took place on June 10, 2006.
214 The attack took place in
gunshot wounds to the back of the head and government-issued handcuffs on his wrists.
See A Journalist
in the Tribal Areas
, supra. Many major Pakistani news outlets speculated that the Musharraf regime
abducted and killed Khan in retaliation for exposing their fabrications and complicity with US strikes.
See
Cable from Ambassador Ryan C. Crocker, US Embassy Islamabad, Subject: Fata: Missing Pakistani
Journalist Found Dead in Waziristan (Jun. 20, 2006),
available at
http://www.cablegatesearch.net/cable.php?id=06ISLAMABAD11675&q=hayatullah%20khan.
211
Anwarullah Khan, supra note 208; see Yousuf Ali, Most Bajaur Victims Were Under 20, NEWS (Nov. 5,
2006), http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=4043&Cat=13&dt=11/5/2006; Porter,
supra
note 208.
212
Americans Bombed the Bajaur Madrassa, DAILY TIMES (Nov. 27, 2006),
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006%5C11%5C27%5Cstory_27-11-2006_pg1_3
(quoting Musharraf aide).
213
Id.; Porter, supra note 208.
214
See Interview with Yaser Abdullah (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012);
Interview with Masood Afwan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview
with Marwan Aleem (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Aftab Gul
Ali (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Khalil Arshad
(anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized
name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Ajmal Bashir (anonymized name) in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Mohsin Haq (anonymized name) in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar.
8, 2012); Interview with Maher Jabbar (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012);
Interview with Dannesh Jameel (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview
with Shahbaz Kabir (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Haidar
Nauman (anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Noor Shafeeq
(anonymized name) in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Arman Yousef (anonymized
name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
43
the early morning of June 10 on a workers' bunkhouse in a chromite mining camp in the
mountains near Datta Khel. In the bunkhouse, a large group of young miners and
woodcutters were asleep. Missiles killed 22 and badly injured four. The press described
the incident as a helicopter gunship attack carried out by the Pakistani military,
215 based
on statements by Pakistani officials claiming responsibility.
216 The survivors and those
killed were asleep before the first explosion and knocked unconscious shortly thereafter.
In light of the classification by media sources (helicopter strike), the lack of available
physical evidence given the remoteness of the location, the lack of eyewitness testimony
to the source of the strike, and the significant passage of time since the attack, our
research team could not determine whether this incident was a US drone strike or
Pakistani helicopter strike, and so chose not to include this event as a drone strike.
217
Nonetheless, given the extensive loss of life, this incident should investigated thoroughly
by competent authorities.
S
TRIKE DATA AGGREGATORS
The three most well-known and widely quoted sources of aggregated strike data are the
Year of the Drone
project by the New America Foundation think tank;218 The Long War
215
The Pakistani military asserted that the June 10, 2006 attack was carried out by "4 gunship helicopters
and artillery," and that "explosive material in [the building] started to explode," killing the "militants"
inside.
Security Forces Kill 20 Militants Near Pak-Afghan Border, PAK TRIBUNE (June 11, 2006),
http://paktribune.com/news/Security-forces-kill-20-militants-near-Pak-Afghan-border-146479.html.
216
That Pakistani authorities accepted responsibility for the attack should not be viewed as dispositive. In
several instances between 2005 and 2007, missile strikes initially claimed by authorities to have been
executed by the Pakistani military were later shown to have been drone strikes.
See, e.g., David Rohde &
Mohammed Khan,
Ex-Fighter for Taliban Dies in Strike in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES (June 19, 2004),
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/06/19/international/asia/19STAN.html;
see also Ismail Khan, Senior Al
Qaeda Commander Killed
, DAWN (Dec. 2, 2005), http://archives.dawn.com/2005/12/03/top4.htm;
Ishtiaq Mahsud,
Tribe: US, Not Pakistan, Hit Village, WASH. POST (Jan. 19, 2007),
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/01/19/AR2007011900472.html;
3 Killed
in Mysterious Explosion in North Waziristan: Tribesmen Warn of Ending Peace Deal
, DAILY TIMES (Apr.
28, 2007),http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C04%5C28%5Cstory_28-4-
2007_pg7_1.
217
One piece of evidence requiring further research is the observation, by one interviewee, that a piece of
shrapnel bore British identification. Arman Yousef (anonymized name), who lost his son in the incident,
told our researchers, "[w]e collect parts of the missiles. When my son was killed, I saw a part of the
missile—it said 'Made in Britain.'" Interview with Arman Yousef (anonymized name), in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
218
About the Long War Journal, LONG WAR JOURNAL, http://www.longwarjournal.org/about.php (last
visited July 31, 2012).
44
Journal
, a blog and project of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies;219 and TBIJ,
a London-based journalism non-profit.
220 Each of these organizations, in seeking to
track and aggregate strikes and their impacts, fulfills an important public transparency
role. Their data have been invaluable in public debates about drone and targeted killing
policies. Given the US government's failure to provide even basic facts about the strikes,
these non-governmental sources are essential.
Nevertheless, the data sets of aggregator organizations have limits. Because consistently
reliable information on drone strikes is impossible to come by, none of the online
databases that track drone strike reports can provide wholly accurate data either. All
three aggregators state that their data is sourced from largely the same universe of
publicly available press reports in major western and Pakistani media outlets.
221
Nonetheless, to determine how many people died in a particular strike and determine
whether they were civilians or "militants," each organization must navigate a morass of
contradictory press accounts and opaque intelligence reports, and make several
subjective decisions about which sources are more reliable than others. Each uses a
different set of categories and labels to classify the victims.
Long War Journal uses
"civilians" or "Taliban/Al Qaeda," or "leaders and operatives from Taliban, Al Qaeda,
219
About the Bureau, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/who/ (last visited Jul. 31, 2012).
220
The Year of the Drone, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION, http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones
(last visited July 31, 2012); Pakistan Body Count also tracks suicide bombings and drone attacks.
See
P
AKISTAN BODY COUNT, http://www.pakistanbodycount.org/.
221
See, e.g., Covert Strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia—Our Methodology, THE BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM, http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/pakistan-dronestrikes-
the-methodology2/ (sources include,
inter alia, research publications, governmental documents,
and media sources that include "CNN, MSNBC, ABC News, Fox News, Reuters, the BBC, Associated Press,
the Guardian, the Telegraph, the Independent, TIME, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, the
New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the Nation, the Atlantic, Salon, Xinhua, Army Times, Navy
Times, Bloomberg, AFP, NPR, Al Jazeera, and Al Arabiya" ); Roggio & Mayer,
supra note 157 (stating that
Long War Journal
data is obtained from "press reports from the Pakistani press (Daily Times, Dawn,
Geo News, The News,
and other outlets), as well as wire reports (AFP, Reuters, etc.), as well as reporting
from the Long War Journal");
The Year of the Drone: An Analysis of US Drone Strikes in Pakistan, 2004-
2012
, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION, http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones (last visited Sept. 16,
2012) (stating that its database "draws only on accounts from reliable media organizations with deep
reporting capabilities in Pakistan, including the New York Times, Washington Post, and Wall Street
Journal, accounts by major news services and networks—the Associated Press, Reuters, Agence France-
Presse, CNN, and the BBC—and reports in the English-language newspapers in Pakistan—the Daily
Times, Dawn, the Express Tribune, and the News—as well as those from Geo TV, the largest independent
Pakistani news network.").
45
and allied extremist groups."
222 New America Foundation uses "militant," "unknown" or
"civilians."
223 TBIJ uses total killed or injured and "civilians," with no express category
for non-civilians.
224 Each aggregator places different weight on different types of
primary sources. As a result, the three data aggregators each come to different
conclusions about who has been and is being killed by US drone strikes in Pakistan.
For instance, New America Foundation's
Year of the Drone project reports that
somewhere between 1,584 and 2,716 "militants" have been killed in Pakistan since 2004,
and between 152 and 191 civilians (and 130-268 "unknowns").
225 The Long War Journal
(which does not keep data for 2004 and 2005) reports that drones have killed 2,396
"leaders and operatives from Taliban, Al Qaeda, and allied extremist groups" (which we
will refer to as "Taliban/Al Qaeda") in Pakistan since 2006, and 138 civilians.
226 With
the exception of high-value named targets (which are few
227), neither provides
information about the "militant" victims that would indicate whether they were actually
lawful targets under international law.
TBIJ, which does not use the "militant" label in
its data sets, reports that drones have killed between 474 and 881 Pakistani civilians
since 2004, out of 2,562 to 3,325 total deaths.
228
To explain the discrepancies in these figures, we briefly analyze in the section below the
methodologies used by each of the three strike-tracking sources to cull and categorize
strike reports.
T
HE LONG WAR JOURNAL
The Long War Journal
, a project run by the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies,
claims that 138 civilians have been killed between 2006 and the present. Unlike the New
America Foundation and
TBIJ, discussed below, The Long War Journal does not make
its data available in a strike-by-strike format. Instead, it publishes blog posts about new
222
Roggio & Mayer, supra note 157.
223
The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
224
Covert War on Terror—The Data, supra note 206.
225
The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
226
Roggio & Mayer, supra note 157. Long War Journal does not keep drone strike data for the years 2004
and 2005.
Id.
227
See Bergen & Rowland, supra note 152; Entous, supra note 149.
228
Covert War on Terror—The Data, supra note 206.
46
strikes soon after they are initially reported, and maintains a series of regularly updated
statistical graphs.
229 The strike information in its blog posts is based on reports by major
media outlets and on the
Journal's own investigations,230 which appear to consist
primarily of conversations with unnamed "US intelligence officials."
231 One analysis of
drone tallies asserts that
The Long War Journal's methodology places great weight on
US intelligence sources, especially when distinguishing between Taliban/Al Qaeda and
civilian casualties.
232 According to The Long War Journal's managing editor, Bill
Roggio, for the purposes of categorizing strike deaths, all those killed are counted as
"Taliban/Al Qaeda" unless "they are identified as civilians."
233
This raises two major concerns about the accuracy of
The Long War Journal's statistical
claims. First, because
The Long War Journal does not make its data visible in a strikeby-
strike format, it is impossible to tell whether and where its editors have logged
credibly reported civilian casualties, or to tell whether they update older strike data
regularly to reflect new information as it comes to light. The only strike-specific
information available on its website comes in the form of blog posts written by
managing editor Bill Roggio.
234 Those posts usually appear within twenty-four hours of
each new strike, citing initial reports from major media outlets that almost invariably
assert that only "Taliban/Al Qaeda" were killed.
235 Second, The Long War Journal's
229
See LONG WAR JOURNAL, www.longwarjournal.org.
230
Roggio & Mayer, supra note 157.
231
See, e.g., Bill Roggio, Latest US Drone Strike Kills 10 'Militants' in South Waziristan, LONG WAR
J
OURNAL (June 3, 2012), http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/06/latest_us_drone_stri.php;
Bill Roggio,
North Waziristan Drone Strike Kills 4 'Militants', LONG WAR JOURNAL (June 13, 2012),
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/06/us_drone_strike_kill_7.php; Bill Roggio,
US Drones
Kill 15 in North Waziristan
, LONG WAR JOURNAL (June 4, 2012),
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/06/us_drone_kill_15_in.php.
232
Avery Plaw, Matthew S. Fricker, & Brian Glyn Williams, Practice Makes Perfect? The Changing
Civilian Toll of CIA Drone Strikes in Pakistan
, 5 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM 51, 58 (Dec. 2011)(observing
that "the
Long War Journal relies heavily on U.S. intelligence sources."). Plaw, Fricker, and Williams
have generated numerous reports using their own strike database, currently known as the UMassDRONE
project, but have not made it available to the public.
See, e.g., id.; Williams, Fricker, & Plaw, supra note
158, at 8.
233
See Sharon Weinberger, Pakistani Scholar Disputes US Drone Death Tallies, AOL NEWS (May 19,
2010) (quoting Bill Roggio as saying that "I'm using the opposite approach . . . I only count when they are
identified as civilians."), http://www.aolnews.com/2010/05/19/pakistani-scholar-disputes-low-dronedeath-
tallies/.
234
See LONG WAR JOURNAL, www.longwarjournal.org.
235
See, e.g., Roggio, Latest US Drone Strike Kills 10 'Militants' in South Waziristan, supra note 231;
Roggio,
North Waziristan Drone Strike Kills 4 'Militants', supra note 231; Roggio, US Drones Kill 15 in
North Waziristan
, supra note 231; Bill Roggio, US Drones Strike in Miramshah's Bazaar, Kill 3
47
practice of labeling all drone victims as "Taliban/Al Qaeda" unless they are specifically
identified as civilians,
236 combined with its reliance on demonstrably untrustworthy
government reports corroborated by comments from anonymous US intelligence
sources, raises questions about whether its drone strike statistics underestimate civilian
deaths.
N
EW AMERICA FOUNDATION
New America Foundation's
Year of the Drone project—the most widely cited in the US
of the three strike-tracking sources—currently estimates that 152 to 191 civilians have
been killed by drones since 2004, only slightly higher than
The Long War Journal's
estimate.
237 One of the New America Foundation's directors, Peter Bergen, has made
headlines recently as a national security analyst for CNN, using New America
Foundation's data to argue that civilian death rates due to drone strikes have dropped to
single-digit percentages,
238 and that drones have caused no civilian deaths in Pakistan in
2012.
239 Scrutiny of both assertions has since revealed omissions and inconsistencies in
New America Foundation's dataset, calling its widely publicized conclusions into
question.
240
Militants
, LONG WAR JOURNAL (June 14, 2012),
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/06/us_drones_strike_in_1.php.
236
Weinberger, supra note 233 (quoting Long War Journal analyst Bill Roggio).
237
Civilian death toll estimates are a recent addition to the Year of the Drone website, which, until August
2012, tallied all drone-related deaths as "militant" and "others."
See Year of the Drone, supra note 221 (as
it appeared through August 12, 2012) (copy on file with authors).
238
Bergen, along with fellow New America Foundation analyst Jennifer Rowland, stated in March 2012
that the 2011 civilian drone strike casualty rate in Pakistan was 7%. Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland,
CIA
Drone War in Pakistan in Sharp Decline
, CNN (Mar. 28, 2012),
http://us.cnn.com/2012/03/27/opinion/bergen-drone-decline/index.html?hpt=op_t1. In June 2012,
Bergen and Rowland said the rate was actually 5.5%, but did not point out the adjustment or explain how
they arrived at the lower figure. Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland,
Obama Ramps Up Covert War in
Yemen
, CNN (June 12, 2012), http://edition.cnn.com/2012/06/11/opinion/bergen-yemen-dronewar/
index.html?iref=allsearch. In July 2012, they raised the 2011 casualty rate figure to 6%, but again did
not explain the adjustment. Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland,
Drones Decimating Taliban in Pakistan,
CNN (July 4, 2012), http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/03/opinion/bergen-drones-talibanpakistan/
index.html?iref=allsearch.
239
See, e.g., Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, CNN
(July 14, 2012), http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/13/opinion/bergen-civilian-casualties/index.html.
240
See Conor Friedersdorff, CNN's Bogus Drone-Deaths Graphic, ATLANTIC MONTHLY (July 6, 2012),
http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/07/cnns-bogus-drone-deaths-graphic/259493/;
see
48
First, contrary to claims made on its website and in its publications, New America
Foundation's strike data do not appear to be "updated regularly" to include the most upto-
date information about the number and identities of victims killed in drone strikes.
241
Several of New America's strike descriptions going back to 2006 fail to incorporate a
number of credible (and in some cases, high-profile) reports of civilian casualties. For
example, New America Foundation reports that a strike on October 31, 2011 killed three
to four militants, and makes no mention of "civilian" or "unknown" casualties.
242 That
strike, however, was widely reported to have killed two civilian teenagers, 16-year old
Tariq Aziz and his cousin Waheed Khan—a fact that has been reported in a variety of
western and Pakistani media outlets including
BBC, ABC, The Guardian, and Dawn.243
Similarly, the New America Foundation website reports that a June 15, 2011 strike on a
vehicle outside Tapi village killed three to eight militants, and makes no mention of
"civilian" or "other" casualties.
244
also
Conor Friedersdorff, Flawed Analysis of Drone Strike Data is Misleading Americans, ATLANTIC
M
ONTHLY (July 18, 2012), http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/07/flawed-analysis-ofdrone-
strike-data-is-misleading-americans/259836/ (citing to primary research carried out by Sarah
Knuckey and Christopher Holland, contributors to this report); Chris Woods,
Analysis: CNN Expert's
Civilian Drone Death Numbers Don't Add Up
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (July 17, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/07/17/analysis-cnn-experts-civilian-drone-death-numbersdont-
add-up/.
241
Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland, CIA Drone War in Pakistan in Sharp Decline, CNN (Mar. 28, 2012),
http://us.cnn.com/2012/03/27/opinion/bergen-drone-decline/index.html?hpt=op_t1 (claiming website
is "up-to-date"); P
ETER BERGEN & KATHERINE TIEDEMANN, THE YEAR OF THE DRONE: AN ANALYSIS OF US
D
RONE STRIKES IN PAKISTAN, 2004-2010 (2010), available at
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/bergentiedemann2.pdf;
The Year of the Drone
, supra note 221.
242
2011: The Year of the Drone, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION,
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones/2011.
243
See, e.g., Pratap Chatterjee, The CIA's Unaccountable Drone War Claims Another Casualty, GUARDIAN
(Nov. 11, 2011), http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/nov/07/cia-unaccountabledrone-
war; Orla Guerin,
Pakistani Civilian Victims Vent Anger Over US Drones, BBC (Nov. 3, 2011),
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/15553761; Nick Schifrin,
Was Teen Killed by CIA Drone a Militant—or
Innocent Victim?
, ABC NEWS (Dec. 31, 2011), http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/tariq-khan-killed-ciadrone/
story?id=15258659#.T8LWW5lYvuV;
UK Drone Strikes Must Stop: UK Lawyer, DAWN (Nov. 8,
2011), http://dawn.com/2011/11/08/us-drone-strikes-must-stop-american-lawyer/. New America
Foundation claims that its reporting is based "on accounts from reliable media organizations with deep
reporting capabilities in Pakistan, including the New York Times, Washington Post, and Wall Street
Journal, accounts by major news services and networks—the Associated Press, Reuters, Agence France-
Presse, CNN, and the BBC—and reports in the leading English-language newspapers in Pakistan—the
Daily Times, Dawn, the Express Tribune, and the News."
The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
244
2011: The Year of the Drone, supra note 242.
49
However, within days of the attack, at least some credible Pakistani media outlets
reported that the strike killed civilians, later identified as Akram Shah, Sherzada, Umar
(or Amar) Khan, Irshad Khan, and Atiq-ur-Rehman (Tariq).
245 We detail the
circumstances of that strike in the Narrative Section of the Living Under Drones Chapter
of this report.
246
In July 2012, an article by
TBIJ also pointed out several other glaring omissions from
New America Foundation's data.
247 These included the confirmed deaths of dozens of
children in 2006,
248 and seven civilian deaths confirmed by an AP news investigation249
to which Bergen himself, along with co-author Jennifer Rowland, had cited in their CNN
piece.
250 TBIJ had brought several of these errors to New America's attention over the
previous two years, but New America Foundation had not made any changes or updates
in response until very recently. In August 2012, possibly in response to
TBIJ's criticisms,
New America Foundation updated its website and incorporated some reports of civilian
deaths that it had previously omitted, including the 69 children killed in a single strike
in 2006.
251 Others, such as the seven civilian casualties on August 14, 2010 that have
been confirmed by an independent
AP investigation,252 were still absent at this
writing.
253 "The cumulative effect of all these omissions and errors," observed TBIJ's
245
See, e.g., NWA Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties, NEWS (June 17, 2011),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=52979&Cat=7&dt=6/17/2011 (describing the
victims, which it identified as four, as a "driver," an "owner of an auto spare-parts shop," a "student," and
a man "who was running a medical store");
Tribesmen Protest Drone Attacks, DAWN (June 17, 2011),
http://dawn.com/2011/06/17/tribesmen-protest-drone-attacks/ (noting, two days after the strike, that
"enraged tribesmen blocked Bannu-Miramshah Road on Thursday [June 16] to protest killing of innocent
people"). Note, though, that initial accounts in Western media depicted those killed as militants.
See, e.g.,
Drones Said to Kill 15 Militants in Pakistan
, BOSTON.COM (June 16, 2011); 15 Killed in Two Suspected
Drone Strikes
, CNN (June 15, 2011),
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/asiapcf/06/15/pakistan.drone.strike/index.html; Hasbanullah
Khan,
US Drone Kill Eight Militants in Pakistan, AFP (June 15, 2011),
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jJGoBfRYzeaAzuAc88gIioBa3Ysg?docId=CNG.
921d971040a618e5fd16673c1ea984a7.501&hl=en&lr=all;
see also infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
246
Id.
247
Woods, Analysis: CNN Expert's Civilian Drone Death Numbers Don't Add Up, supra note 240.
248
At the time TBIJ published its article, New America Foundation's total overall civilian casualty figures
failed to include the deaths of 69 children killed in a single US drone strike in October 2006, whose names
and ages had been published by Pakistani newspapers in the weeks after the attack.
249
See Sebastian Abbot, New Light on Drone War's Death Toll, ASSOCIATED PRESS (Feb. 25, 2012).
250
Bergen & Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, supra note 239.
251
The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
252
Abbot, supra note 249.
253
2010: The Year of the Drone, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION,
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones/2010 (last visited Sept. 9, 2012).
50
Chris Woods, "is that [New America Foundation's] data substantially under-estimates
both the overall numbers of those killed, and the reports of civilians who have died in
Pakistan strikes."
254
In addition to its failure to update its database regularly, the underlying data relied upon
by New America Foundation must be scrutinized. New America Foundation's
Year of
the Drone
project is a valuable resource. However, because its data consist of a
collection of news reports, the conclusions that can definitively be drawn from analyzing
that dataset are limited and must be attenuated in important ways. For example, when
Bergen and Rowland asserted in their July 14, 2012
CNN column that New America's
data showed no civilian deaths in 2012,
255 our team reviewed every news article New
America linked to on its website in support of its 2012 drone strike statistics.
256 The
inadequacies in this underlying data (detailed below) mean that it should not be used to
support the conclusions drawn by Bergen and Rowland (and New America Foundation)
that there have been no civilian deaths in US drone strikes in Pakistan in 2012:
•
First, the articles cited by New America Foundation rely to an overwhelming
extent on information provided by anonymous officials. Our team's review of the
dataset for 2012 (the most recent strike considered being July 6, 2012) found that
anonymous officials are cited as a source for the allegation of the number of
"militants" killed in 88% of articles referenced by New America Foundation, and
are the
only source of this information in 74% of the articles. When framed as a
breakdown of sources per strike, anonymous officials are the only source of the
number of "militants" killed in 16 of the 27 drone strikes. This heavy reliance on
anonymous officials is troubling given the demonstrated unreliability of official
reporting;
257
254
Woods, Analysis: CNN Expert's Civilian Drone Death Numbers Don't Add Up, supra note 240.
255
Bergen & Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, supra note 239.
256
See The Year of the Drone, supra note 221; At the time our review was conducted, New America
Foundation had reported 27 strikes in 2012, the most recent on July 6, 2012. Of the 107 links cited in
support of New America's data, ten were broken, and 11 corresponded to more than one strike. This left
86 articles from 13 western and Pakistani news agencies to support Bergen's July 14 statement. It bears
noting that
TBIJ cites 344 sources for its data on the same 27 strikes. See Obama 2012 Pakistan Strikes,
T
HE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM, http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/01/11/obama-
2012-strikes/.
257
See also supra notes 156-175 and accompanying text (discussing the demonstrated unreliability of US
official reports of all "militant" death tolls). Pakistani intelligence officials, who are often cited as sources
for strike information, may be similarly unreliable and prone to overstate "militant" casualties and
understate civilian casualties because of the negative public perception in Pakistan that they are complicit
in US killings of civilians.
51
•
Second, the conclusion that no civilians have been killed in 2012 overlooks the
problem of identification referenced in a number of the articles in the dataset. In
15 articles, it was noted that those killed could not be identified or that the
identities of victims were not known. For example, in one such instance, an
anonymous official stated that: "Fifteen militants were killed in a dawn strike on
a compound. The bodies of those killed were unable to be identified."
Furthermore, 18 articles in the dataset refer to the object of attack as being
"destroyed", reinforcing concerns about how the number of persons killed and
their identities could be known.
Thus, what
can fairly be concluded from analyzing New America Foundation's dataset is
that, according to anonymous officials quoted in a set of collected news reports, there
have been no civilian deaths reported in 2012.
New America Foundation's finding of no civilians killed in 2012 is also troubling given
that "reputable news sources"
258 have suggested the possibility of civilian casualties in
six of the 27 strikes that inform New America Foundation's 2012 statistics.
259 Those
sources include
Reuters, Agence France-Presse, The News, and Dawn,260 all of which
New America Foundation has found reliable on other occasions when they reported only
"militant" casualties.
261 Bergen and Rowland's July 14 CNN piece does not explain why
they chose to disregard those news sources when they report civilian casualties.
262
Instead, Bergen and Rowland attempt to head off criticism by singling out
TBIJ and
dismissing their contradictory estimate of three to 24 civilian casualties as coming "in
part from reports provided by an unreliable Pakistani news outlet as well as the claims
of a local Taliban commander."
263 TBIJ explained in response that the "unreliable
Pakistani news outlet" must refer to either
Dawn, The Nation, or The News, all of which
258
Bergen & Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, supra note 239 (explaining that
New America Foundation's data is drawn from "reputable news sources").
259
According to TBIJ, there were indications of civilian casualties in strikes on February 9, 2012; May 5,
2012; May 24, 2012; June 2, 2012; June 3, 2012; and July 6, 2012.
Obama 2012 Pakistan Strikes, supra
note 256.
TBIJ also reports possible civilian casualties in strikes on July 23, 2012 and July 29, 2012,
which took place after Bergen's article was published.
Id.
260
See, e.g., Hasbanullah Khan, Five Militants Killed by US Drone in Pakistan, AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
(May 24, 2012); Khan & Yusufzai,
supra note 180; Twenty Die in Double Drone Attack, DAWN (July 7,
2012), http://dawn.com/2012/07/07/twenty-die-in-double-drone-attack/;
US Drone Strike Kills Militant
in Pakistan, Officials Say
, JERUSALEM POST (Feb. 2, 2012),
http://www.jpost.com/LandedPages/PrintArticle.aspx?id=257117.
261
See The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
262
See Bergen & Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, supra note 239.
263
Id.
52
New America Foundation draws from on a regular basis, and that the Taliban
commander's claim (which appeared in only one of the six strikes in which civilian
casualties were reported, and which referred to only two civilians) appeared in an article
from
Reuters.264 Bergen and Rowland did not say where they believe the other part of
TBIJ's
estimate came from.265
Conor Friedersdorf of the
Atlantic Monthly has questioned the reliance of Bergen and
Rowland and the New America Foundation on "getting an unnamed official to state the
number of deaths" as "deep reporting" worthy of inclusion in their database.
266 In
particular, Friedersdorf juxtaposes that reliance with the journalists' apparent exclusion
of further reporting above and beyond anonymous official quotes as unreliable.
267 For
example, neither the
Year of the Drone website nor any of Bergen and Rowland's
articles mentions the reported deaths of between three and eight civilian worshippers at
a mosque on May 24, 2012. The deaths were reported by both
The News, a prominent
Pakistani newspaper, and the UK's
Channel 4.268 Both quoted detailed descriptions of
the strike and of the civilian casualties directly from a local eyewitness that
The News
identifies by name. That level of detail and local investigation constitutes a far "deeper"
report than the terse descriptions from anonymous officials, with one exception, that
appear in the articles relied upon by New America Foundation, which in turn simply
state the number of "militants" or "suspected militants" killed and their nationalities.
269
264
Woods, Analysis: CNN Expert's Civilian Drone Death Numbers Don't Add Up, supra note 240.
265
Bergen & Rowland, Civilian Casualties Plummet in Drone Strikes, supra note 239.
266
Friedersdorf, Flawed Analysis of Drone Strikes is Misleading Americans, supra note 240.
267
Id.
268
Drone Strike Hits Pakistan Mosque, Say Locals, supra note 180; Khan & Yusufzai, supra note 180;
Woods,
Analysis: CNN Expert's Civilian Drone Death Numbers Don't Add Up, supra note 240. French
wire service Agence France-Presse reported the damage to the mosque and said that worshippers there
may have been injured. Hasbanullah Khan,
US Drone Strike Kills 8 in Pakistan, AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
(May 24, 2012).
269
Haq Nawaz Khan & Richard Leiby, US Drone Strike in Pakistan Kills 10 Suspected Militants, WASH.
P
OST (May 24, 2012), http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/us-drone-strike-kills-10-
suspected-militants-in-pakistan/2012/05/24/gJQAQbpRmU_story.html; Salman Masood,
Drone Strikes
Continue in Pakistan as Tension Increases and Senate Panel Cuts Aid
, N.Y. TIMES (May 24, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/25/world/asia/pakistan-says-us-drone-strike-kills-suspectedmilitants.
html?_r=1&ref=world; Haji Mujtaba,
US Drone Strike Kills 10 in Northwest Pakistan: Officials,
R
EUTERS (May 24, 2012), http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/24/us-pakistan-droneidUSBRE84N03I20120524;
Pakistan Says US Drone Kills 10 Militants
, USA TODAY (May 24, 2012),
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-05-24/Pakistan-drone/55179756/1?csp=34news. The
New York Times
went deeper than the other reports, and provides information about the strike from local
residents reached by telephone, who stated that some of the strike victims were "Uzbek fighters who
belonged to the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan." Masood,
supra.
53
T
HE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
maintains a much more dynamic database than
either New America Foundation or
The Long War Journal, updating its strike
information frequently to reflect new information as it comes to light.
270 This frequent
updating, together with
TBIJ's own investigations, makes its data far more reliable than
other aggregating sources. While
TBIJ's data are also highly transparent and its
investigations more thorough than others, its aggregation of information from news
articles faces the same problems as described above, and its full body of strike data is
not, and indeed cannot be, wholly accurate (nor does
TBIJ purport that it is).
As of August 1, 2012,
TBIJ estimated that between 482 and 849 civilians have been
killed by drones in Pakistan since 2004. That estimate represents the full range of
civilian casualties credibly reported in reliable sources, some of which
TBIJ has
corroborated with its own field investigations in Pakistan and with information gathered
by "credible researchers and lawyers."
271 The use of these corroborating sources to
supplement data drawn from press accounts sets
TBIJ apart from both The Long War
Journal
and New America Foundation.
TBIJ
's media datasets are also more thorough and comprehensive than both New
America Foundation and
The Long War Journal. As discussed above, New America
Foundation linked to only 107 news articles in support of its data on the first 27 strikes
of 2012, of which eleven were duplicates.
272 TBIJ, by contrast, links to 344 sources cited
in support of those same 27 strikes, and provides information on a handful of additional
possible strikes that have not yet been verified.
273 The Long War Journal does not
reveal all of the sources used to compile its database, and rarely cites to more than two
270
For example, TBIJ's entry for a recent cluster of strikes that took place on July 29, 2012 was updated
two days later to include the names of three local villagers killed in the attack, once those names were
reported by
The News, a major Pakistani daily newspaper. See Obama 2012 Pakistan Strikes, supra note
256;
Three Drone Victims Laid to Rest in FR Bannu, NEWS (July 31, 2012),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-123753-Three-drone-victims-laid-to-rest-in-FR-Bannu.
Over two weeks after the attack took place,
New America Foundation still had not reported it, and The
Long War Journal
had limited its report to include only the subset of missile strikes that hit an alleged
Uzbek compound.
See Bill Roggio, 6 Uzbeks Killed in North Waziristan Drone Strike, LONG WAR JOURNAL
(July 29, 2012), http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/07/six_uzbeks_killed_in.php;
The Year
of the Drone
, supra note 221.
271
Covert Strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia—Our Methodology, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE
J
OURNALISM, http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/pakistan-drone-strikes-themethodology2/
(last updated March 27, 2012).
272
See The Year of the Drone, supra note 221.
273
See Obama 2012 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 256.
54
or three external sources in any given report.
274 TBIJ is also more transparent than
either New America Foundation or
The Long War Journal in its reporting, providing
both high and low estimates of civilian and unspecified deaths for each strike. It also
quotes heavily from reports that contradict one another, thus giving a full picture of the
range of conflicting stories about each strike.
275
274
Bill Roggio, US Drones Kill 10 in Mir Ali Strike, LONG WAR JOURNAL (May 24, 2012),
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/05/us_drones_kill_10_in_1.php.
275
Id.; See, e.g., Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2011-strikes/ (last visited Sept. 14, 2012).
55
C
HAPTER 3: LIVING UNDER DRONES
Much of the public debate about drone strikes in Pakistan has focused narrowly on
whether strikes are 'doing their job'—i.e., whether the majority of those killed are
"militants."
276 That framing, however, fails to take account of the people on the ground
who live with the daily presence of lethal drones in their skies and with the constant
threat of drone strikes in their communities. Numerous other reports have highlighted
the disastrous impacts of Taliban and other armed actor operations in Pakistan.
277
Those impacts must also factor into the formulation of governance and military policy in
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). This report, however, aims to draw
attention to a critical gap in understanding, specifically about life under drones and the
socio-economic impacts of drone strikes on civilians in North Waziristan. Available
evidence suggests that these impacts are significant, and challenges the prevailing US
government and media narrative that portrays drones as pinpoint precision weapons
with limited collateral impact. It is crucial that broader civilian impacts and the voices of
those affected be given due weight in US debates about drones.
The most direct impacts of strikes, in addition to injuries and killings, include property
damage, and often severe economic hardship and emotional trauma for injured victims
and surviving family members. Importantly, those interviewed for this report also
described how the presence of drones and capacity of the US to strike anywhere at any
time led to constant and severe fear, anxiety, and stress, especially when taken together
with the inability of those on the ground to ensure their own safety. Further, those
interviewed stated that the fear of strikes undermines people's sense of safety to such an
extent that it has at times affected their willingness to engage in a wide variety of
activities, including social gatherings, educational and economic opportunities, funerals,
and that fear has also undermined general community trust. In addition, the US practice
of striking one area multiple times, and its record of killing first responders, makes both
community members and humanitarian workers afraid to assist injured victims.
276
See Numbers, infra Chapter 2: Numbers.
277
Id.
56
V
OICES FROM BELOW: ACCOUNTS OF THREE DRONE STRIKES
The most immediate consequence of drone strikes is, of course, death and injury to
those targeted or near a strike. The missiles fired from drones kill or injure in several
ways, including through incineration,
278 shrapnel,279 and the release of powerful blast
waves capable of crushing internal organs.
280 Those who do survive drone strikes often
suffer disfiguring burns and shrapnel wounds, limb amputations, as well as vision and
hearing loss.
281
This section sets out firsthand narrative accounts of three specific drone strikes for
which there is considerable evidence of significant civilian casualties.
282 The narratives
draw upon interviews, as well as corroborating evidence from other independent
278
See, e.g., Yancy Y Phillips & Joan T. Zajchuk, The Management of Primary Blast Injury, in
C
ONVENTIONAL WARFARE: BALLISTIC, BLAST AND BURN INJURIES 297 (1991) ("The thermal pulse from a
detonation may burn exposed skin, or secondary fires may be started by the detonation and more serious
burns may be suffered.");
AGM-114N Metal Augmented Charge (MAC) Thermobaric Hellfire,
G
LOBALSECURITY.ORG, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/systems/munitions/agm-114n.htm (last
visited Aug. 17, 2012) ("The new [AGM-114N Thermobaric Hellfire] warhead contains a fluorinated
aluminum powder layered between the warhead casing and the PBXN-112 explosive fill. When the PBXN-
112 detonates, the aluminum mixture is dispersed and rapidly burns. The resultant sustained high
pressure is extremely effective against enemy personnel and structures.");
Explosions and Blast Injuries:
A Primer for Clinicians
, CENTER FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION,
http://www.bt.cdc.gov/masscasualties/explosions.asp (last visited on Sept. 17, 2012) (outlining one of the
types of blast injuries as "burns (flash, partial, and full thickness")).
279
See, e.g., Phillips & Zajchuk, supra note 278, at 296 ("[V]ictims of an open-air blast will usually also
have penetrating or non-penetrating secondary blast injuries from fragments or objects that have been
hurled through the air from the force of the blast."); David Hambling,
Why was Pakistan Drone Strike so
Deadly?
, WIRED (June 24, 2009), http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2009/06/why-was-pakistandrone-
strike-so-deadly/ (describing how drone-launched missiles have a thick steel casing surrounding an
explosive core, such that "when the bomb detonates, the casing blows up like a balloon before bursting
and spraying high-velocity steel fragments in all directions. It is these fragments, rather than blast, that do
most of the damage");
Explosions and Blast Injuries, supra note 278 (identifying "penetrating ballistic
(fragmentation) or blunt injuries" as a possible type of blast injury).
280
See, e.g., Phillips, supra note 278, at 296 ("[T]he detonation of explosive munitions can create
pressure waves that are powerful enough to injure the internal organs of casualties who are directly
exposed to them. This injury—called primary blast injury (PBI)—may debilitate or kill the casualty by
causing severe damage to the gas-containing organs of the body.");
AGM-114N Metal Augmented Charge,
supra
note 278 (describing the improved killing power of the "AGM-114 Hellfire missile [which] has a
sustained pressure wave [that] propagates throughout a structure to extend the lethal effects of the
warhead detonation.");
Explosions and Blast Injuries, supra note 278 (listing "blast lung," and
"abdominal hemorrhage and perforation" among injuries resulting from blasts).
281
See supra notes 278- 280 and accompanying text; Norman Rich, Missile Injuries, 139 AM. J. OF
S
URGERY 414 (1980).
282
In addition to the three strikes highlighted in this section, Appendix A provides brief narratives from
strike survivors and individuals who have witnessed or lost relatives in drone strikes.
57
investigations, media accounts, and submissions to the United Nations, and courts in
the UK and Pakistan.
The narratives provide detailed and stark accounts of the consequences such strikes
have on those hit, those near, and their families.
M
ARCH 17, 2011
On the morning of March 17, 2011, the US deployed a drone to fire at least two missiles
into a large gathering near a bus depot in the town of Datta Khel, North Waziristan. To
this day, US officials publicly insist that all those killed were insurgents.
283 That
position, however, is contradicted by a range of other sources, including the Pakistani
military,
284 an independent investigation by the Associated Press,285 interviews with
attorneys, and the testimony of nine witnesses, survivors, and family members gathered
283
Salman Masood & Pir Zubair Shah, CIA Drones Kill Civilians in Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES (Mar. 17, 2011),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/18/world/asia/18pakistan.html ("American officials on Thursday
sharply disputed Pakistan's account of the strikes and the civilian deaths, contending that all the people
killed were insurgents.");
see also Sebastian Abbot, AP Impact: New Light on Drone War's Death Toll,
G
UARDIAN (Feb. 25, 2012), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/10112674 ("US officials who
were shown the AP's findings [of civilian deaths in the ten deadliest attacks in North Waziristan between
August 2010 and February 2012, including the March 17, 2011 incident] rejected the accounts of any
civilian casualties, but declined to be quoted by name."); Scott Shane,
Contrasting Reports of Drone
Strikes
, N.Y. TIMES (Aug. 11, 2011), http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12droneside.html
(quoting an unnamed US official as stating: "There's no question the Pakistani and US government have
different views on the outcome of this strike. The fact is that a large group of heavily armed men, some of
whom were clearly connected to Al Qaeda and all of whom acted in a manner consistent with A.Q.-linked
militants, were killed."). The US position appears to reflect the Obama administration's controversial
practice of classifying "all military-age males in a strike zone as combatants . . . unless there is explicit
intelligence posthumously proving them innocent." Jo Becker & Scott Shane,
Secret 'Kill List' Proves a
Test of Obama's Principles and Will
, N.Y. TIMES (May 29, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all.
284
See Masood & Shah, supra note 283 (quoting Pakistani military chief, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani,
as saying immediately after the strike: "It is highly regrettable that a jirga of peaceful citizens, including
elders of the area, was carelessly and callously targeted with complete disregard to human life.").
285
See Abbot, supra note 283.
58
for this report. This evidence suggests that at least 42 were killed, mostly civilians,
286
and another 14 injured.
287
According to those we interviewed, on March 17, some 40 individuals gathered in Datta
Khel town center. They included important community figures and local elders, all of
whom were there to attend a
jirga—the principal social institution for decision-making
and dispute resolution in FATA. The
jirga on March 17 was convened to settle a dispute
over a nearby chromite mine.
288 All of the relevant stakeholders and local leaders were
in attendance, including 35 government-appointed tribal leaders known as
maliks, as
well as government officials, and a number of
khassadars (government employees
administered at the local level by
maliks who serve as a locally recruited auxiliary police
force).
289 Four men from a local Taliban group were also reportedly present, as their
involvement was necessary to resolve the dispute effectively
.290 Malik Daud Khan, a
respected leader and decorated public servant, chaired the meeting.
291
The
jirga had been convened in Datta Khel's Nomada bus depot,292 an open space in the
middle of town large enough to accommodate over 40 people as they sat in two large
circles about 12 feet apart.
293 Though drones were hovering daily over North Waziristan,
those at this meeting said they felt "secure and insulated" from the threat of drones,
because in their assessment at the time, "drones target terrorists or those working
286
Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2011-strikes/(last visited Sep. 14, 2012);
Abbot,
supra note 283.
287
See Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 286.
288
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
Chromite is a valuable resource in the region, and a major source of employment. According to the FATA
government website, 31,830 tons of chromite were produced in 2003-04, the latest date for which figures
are available.
Department of Minerals, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA
S
ECRETARIAT, http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=78&Itemid=81 (last
visited Aug. 17, 2012).
289
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
290
Sebastian Abbot, AP Impact: New Light on Drone War's Death Toll, ASSOCIATED PRESS (Feb. 26,
2012), http://news.yahoo.com/ap-impact-light-drone-wars-death-toll-150321926.html.
291
More Petition High Court Against Drone Attacks, DAWN (May 9, 2012),
http://dawn.com/2012/05/10/more-petition-high-court-against-drone-attacks/ (reporting on the
petition of Noor Khan, son of Malik Daud Khan, in the Peshawar High Court against the Federation of
Pakistan, Pakistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Pakistan's Ministry of Defence).
292
Chris Woods & Christina Lamb, Obama Terror Drones: CIA Tactics in Pakistan Include Targeting
Rescuers and Funerals
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Feb. 4, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistaninclude-
targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/.
293
Interview with Mohammad Nazir Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
59
against the government."
294 This, in contrast, was a jirga, a government-sanctioned
meeting, held to ensure "no problems occurred in [the] area and no-one would pose
problems for the government."
295 According to a Pakistani military commander in North
Waziristan, Brigadier Abdullah Dogar, the
maliks had even taken care to alert the local
military post of the planned
jirga ten days beforehand.296
At approximately 10:45 am, as the two groups were engaged in discussion, a missile
fired from a US drone hovering above struck one of the circles of seated men.
297 Ahmed
Jan, who was sitting in one of two circles of roughly 20 men each, told our researchers
that he remembered hearing the hissing sound the missiles made just seconds before
they slammed into the center of his group.
298 The force of the impact threw Jan's body a
significant distance, knocking him unconscious, and killing everyone else sitting in his
circle.
299 Several additional missiles were fired, at least one of which hit the second
circle.
300 In all, the missiles killed a total of at least 42 people.301 One of the survivors
from the other circle, Mohammad Nazir Khan, told us that many of the dead appeared
to have been killed by flying pieces of shattered rocks.
302 Another witness, Idris Farid,
recalled that "everything was devastated. There were pieces—body pieces—lying around.
There was lots of flesh and blood."
303
Khalil Khan, the only son of Malik Hajji Babat, one of the
khassadars present at the
jirga
, was in the Datta Khel bazaar when he heard about the strike.304 "We were told in
plain words that none of the elders that had attended survived. They were all destroyed,
all finished."
305 Khalil Khan immediately went to the Nomada depot to try to find his
294
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
295
Id.
296
Chris Woods & Christina Lamb, Obama Terror Drones: CIA Tactics in Pakistan Include Targeting
Rescuers and Funerals
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Feb. 4, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistaninclude-
targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/.
297
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Mohammad Nazir
Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
298
Id.
299
Id.
300
Id.; see also Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26,
2012).
301
See Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 286; Abbot, supra note 283.
302
Interview with Mohammad Nazir Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
303
Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
304
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
305
Id.
60
father.
306 When he arrived at the scene of the strike, he found injured victims and the
bus depot in flames.
307 Unable to identify the body parts lying on the ground, all Khalil
Khan could do was "collect pieces of flesh and put them in a coffin."
308 Idris Farid, who
survived the strike with a severe leg injury, explained how funerals for the victims of the
March 17 strike were "odd and different than before."
309 The community had to collect
[the victims'] body pieces and bones and then bury them like that," doing their best to
"identify the pieces and the body parts" so that the relatives at the funeral would be
satisfied they had "the right parts of the body and the right person."
310
The trauma of the strike was felt not only by those who witnessed its immediate
aftermath, but also by the families left behind. Nearly all of those killed were the heads
of large households, who used the government allowances they received through their
positions as
maliks and khassadars to support their households and fund small
businesses. Malik Daud Khan, who led the
jirga, was a government-appointed counselor
for all of North Waziristan, serving as a political liaison between the Pakistani
government and military and the other tribal leaders.
311 He oversaw jirgas throughout
the region, and used his allowance, "which was respectable for a decent family," to
support six sons and the sons of his brothers.
312 Another malik, Ismail Khan, left behind
a family of eight, of whom only two are males old enough to work.
313 The khassadar
Hajji Babat also left behind another household of eight; his son now struggles to support
them.
314 Because these men held government positions reserved for elders with
"experience and years of wisdom," their sons cannot take over their offices.
315 The sons
have little hope of finding employment that would provide a standard of living afforded
by the allowance of a
malik or a khassadar.316 Babat's son, Khalil Khan, who spent over
a decade working as a driver in the United Arab Emirates, told our research team that he
often thinks of trying to go abroad again so that he can earn money to support
306
Id.
307
Id.
308
Id.
309
Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
310
Id.
311
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
312
Id.
313
Id.
314
Id.
315
Id.
316
See id.
61
himself.
317 "[But] if I go," he worries, "what will happen to my family?"318 The Pakistani
government offered to compensate the families with three
lakhs (300,000 rupees, or
approximately US $3,200) for each man killed, but most did not take the
compensation.
319 "[O]ur elders were worth much more than that. . . . [W]e had lost an
entire community of elders."
320
Some men who survived are now unable to work or earn the living they could before the
strike. Ahmed Jan, a
malik who used to supplement his allowance by working as a
driver, woke up in a hospital in Peshawar after the strike and learned he needed five to
six
lakhs (approximately US $5,300 to US $6,350) worth of surgery to implant a rod in
his leg and to stop the bleeding from his nose and face.
321 Since then, he has lost most of
his hearing and the use of one foot.
322 Unable to operate a car, he now depends on his
sons, who are also drivers, to support his household.
323 Idris Farid, in addition to living
with rods implanted in his leg, told us that the trauma of the strike has caused him to
forget "the little bit of education that I [had] gotten when I was little," and has left him
terrified of loud noises "because I think it might be a drone."
324
The precise number of people who died in the March 17, 2011 strike has never been
determined, though nearly all available sources—including the survivors with whom our
researchers spoke—put it at close to 40 or higher.
325 An independent investigation by
the
Associated Press put the number at 42.326 Pakistani intelligence officials initially
317
Id.
318
Id.
319
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012); see also
Interview with Mohammad Nazir Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
320
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
321
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
322
Id.
323
Id.
324
Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
325
See, e.g., Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
(estimating 37 dead); Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) (estimating at
least 35 and fewer than 40 dead);
US Drone Strike 'Kills 40' in Pakistani Tribal Region, BBC (Mar. 17,
2011), http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-12769209; Tom Wright & Rehmat Mehsud,
Pakistan Slams US Drone Strike
, WALL ST. J. (Mar. 18, 2011), available at
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703818204576206873567985708.html.
326
Abbot, supra note 290 (noting the names of all 42 and identifying 38 of them as civilians and tribal
police). Unnamed US officials disputed this number, telling the
Associated Press "the total of dead was
roughly half what villagers reported" and citing as evidence "the number visible in the monitoring before
and during the attack."
Id. However, all other available sources—including eyewitnesses, locals, and
Pakistani intelligence—report numbers closer to the
Associated Press figure. See, e.g., Dozens Die as US
62
reported that 12 or 13 of the dead were Taliban militants,
327 but the Associated Press
investigation found that it was likely only four.
328 Of those four, only one, Sherabat
Khan, has ever been identified by name.
329 TBIJ, in separate investigations, has so far
obtained the names of 24 civilians killed who died in the strike.
330
J
UNE 15, 2011
On June 15, 2011, the US launched between two and six missiles from a drone at a car
travelling on the road between Miranshah and Sirkot in North Waziristan, killing five
people.
The News, a leading Pakistani newspaper, identified four of the victims in a
story it ran two days later.
331 We were provided evidence of five victims in our
interviews, as we detail below;
TBIJ (in its own separate investigations) also identified
five victims:
332 Shahzada (or 'Sherzada', no other name), Akram Shah, Atiq-ur-Rehman
Drone Hits Pakistan Home
, AL JAZEERA (Mar. 17, 2011),
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia/2011/03/20113178411386630.html; Kathy Gannon, Kimberly
Dozier & Sebastian Abbot,
AP Exclusive: Timing of US Drone Strike Questioned, YAHOO! NEWS (Aug. 2,
2011), http://news.yahoo.com/ap-exclusive-timing-us-drone-strike-questioned-161145779.html;
Katherine Tiedemann,
Daily Brief: Pakistani Army Chief Condemns Deadly US Drone Strike, FOREIGN
P
OL'Y (Mar. 18, 2011),
http://afpak.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/03/18/daily_brief_pakistani_army_chief_condemns_deadly
_us_drone_strike.
327
Masood & Shah, supra note 283.
328
Abbot, supra note 290.
329
See, e.g., Out of the Blue: A Growing Controversy Over the Use of Unmanned Aerial Strikes,
E
CONOMIST (July 30, 2011), http://www.economist.com/node/21524916; Zia Khan, Waziristan Drone
Attack: Taliban Faction Threatens Scrapping Peace Deal
, EXPRESS TRIBUNE (Mar. 21, 2011),
http://tribune.com.pk/story/135711/waziristan-drone-attack-taliban-faction-threatens-scrapping-peacedeal/.
330
Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM, supra note 286 ("The
leader of the
jirga, Malik Daud Khan, aged 45 was among those killed. . . . In July 2011 the Bureau's
field researchers additionally identified the following as slain civilians: Gul Akbar; Mohammad Sheen;
Lewanai; Mir Zaman; Din Mohammad; Malik Tareen; Noor Ali; Zare Jan; Sadiq; Mustaqeem;
Khangai; Gulnaware; Faenda Khan; and Dindar Khan, Umark Khan, Wali Khan, Sadar and Bakhtar,
all five from the Khassadar police force. In sworn affidavits from multiple witnesses to the strike, filed
in the London High Court in March 2012, five further civilians were identified by name: Ismail Khan,
father of Imran Khan; khassadar Hajji Babat, father of Khalil Khan; Khnay Khan, father of Mir Daad
Khan; and Gul Mohammed and his son Ismael.").
331
NWA Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties, NEWS (June 17, 2011),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=52979&Cat=7&dt=6/17/2011 (noting the
occupations and the names of four of the victims: Akram Shah, Umar Khan, Shahzada, and Tariq (Atiqur-
Rehman)).
332
Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 286.
63
(nicknamed Tariq), Irshad Khan, and Umar (or Amar) Khan. According to initial press
reports, anonymous Pakistani officials stated that all those killed in the strike were
"militants".
333 US officials did not comment, even after the dead men's families and
tribesmen made international news by blocking an important roadway in protest.
334 We
interviewed five family and community members who testified that they knew those
killed.
335 Together, the five interviewees provided information on each of the five
victims, who they said were civilians.
336 Based on its own research, as well as media
accounts,
TBIJ, citing the names of each of the men above, has reported that at least five
civilians were killed in the strike.
337
According to those we interviewed, on June 15, Akram Shah drove with his cousin,
Sherzada, into the city of Miranshah.
338 Akram, a father of three in his mid-thirties, was
a former taxi driver who worked for the Pakistani Water and Power Development
Authority as a driver.
339 Sherzada was a student in his late teens or early twenties.340
333
See, e.g., 15 Killed in Two Suspected Drone Attacks, CNN (June 15, 2011),
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/asiapcf/06/15/pakistan.drone.strike/index.html; Hasbanullah
Khan,
US Drone Kills Eight Militants in Pakistan, AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (June 15, 2011),
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gopljIE1s-r0P90OdcLQtEy9_6-
A?docId=CNG.e930608f878ab4d4954c1738240ae4f3.321.
334
See, e.g., NWA Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties , supra note 331 (noting that hundreds of
tribesmen protested and "chanted slogans against the United States for killing innocent tribal people in
the drone attacks.");
Tribesmen Protest Drone Attacks, DAWN (June 17, 2011),
http://dawn.com/2011/06/17/tribesmen-protest-drone-attacks/ (noting, two days after the strike, that
"enraged tribesmen blocked Bannu-Miramshah Road on Thursday [June 16] to protest killing of innocent
people in US drone attacks in North Waziristan Agency").
335
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with
Nadeem Malik (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Abdul Qayyum
Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9,
2012); Interview with Azhar Aslam (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
336
Id. Atiq-ur-Rehman (or Tariq) was known to all five interviewees; Sherzada was known by four of the
interviewees; Akram was known by three of the interviewees; Umar (or Amar) and Irshad were each
known by one interviewee.
337
Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 286 (noting that its own researchers in Waziristan reported
that "civilians belonging to the Zangbar family…were killed…include[ing] Shahzada," citing links to seven
media reports (two articles in
Dawn and one each in The News, CNN, Boston.com, AFP, BBC News) as
well as the UK Charity Reprieve and the South Asian Terrorism Portal (satp.org), and concluding based
upon its review of all this information that 5-6 civilians were killed in the strike).
338
Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
339
Id.; Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview
with Nadeem Malik (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012);
NWA Tribesmen Protest
Drone Attack Casualties
, supra note 331.
340
Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Sayed Majid
(anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
64
Both he and Akram Shah lived in the small village of Spulga, some 15 kilometers outside
of Miranshah, in a large extended-family compound headed by another cousin, a
prominent
malik.341 Atiq-ur-Rehman, a young pharmacist, ran the Razmak Medical
shop in the Miranshah bazaar.
342 Irshad Khan, a teenage student, worked in Atiq-ur-
Rehman's pharmacy.
343 Umar Khan ran a local auto parts store.344 That evening, the five
men—Akram Shah, Sherzada, Irshad Khan, Atiq-ur-Rehman, and Umar Khan—set out
from Miranshah toward Spulga and the nearby village of Sirkot in Akram's car.
345
When the car was just two or three kilometers from Sirkot, it was struck by a missile.
346
According to some press accounts, the drone operators missed their first five missile
firing attempts and chased Akram's car down the road, finally destroying it with a sixth
and final missile.
347 Other accounts state that Umar Khan escaped from the back seat
after the car was hit, only to be killed by a missile seconds later as he tried to get away
from the wreckage.
348 Nadeem Malik was at the mosque some two kilometers away
when he heard "the noise of the bombardment," and rushed to the site of the strike.
349
Several witnesses described the destruction of the car,
350 which Abdul Qayyum Khan
likened to "a sandwich bent in half."
351 Sayed Majid, whose cousin and two other
relatives were killed in the strike, and Abdul Qayyum Khan, Atiq-ur-Rehman's father,
341
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
342
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Sayed Majid
(anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Reprieve, Complaint Against the United States
of America for the Killing of Innocent Citizens of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the UN Human
Rights Council 10 (Feb. 23, 2012),
available at
http://reprieve.org.uk/media/downloads/2012_02_22_PUB_drones_UN_HRC_complaint.pdf?utm_so
urce=Press+mailing+list&utm_campaign=89f3db0a75-
2012_02_23_drones_UN_complaint&utm_medium=email [hereinafter Complaint to UNHRC].
343
Interview with Nadeem Malik (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
344
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); see also NWA
Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties
, supra note 331.
345
See Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); see also NWA Tribesmen
Protest Drone Attack Casualties
, supra note 331; Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 10.
346
See Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
347
Eight Killed in Waziristan Drone Attacks, PAK TRIBUNE (June 16, 2011),
http://paktribune.com/news/Eight-killed-in-Waziristan-drone-attacks-240425.html.
348
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
349
Interview with Nadeem Malik (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
350
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012) ("[the car] was
destroyed. Fully destroyed. It was burned.");
see also interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar,
Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
351
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
65
told our research team that the victims' bodies were badly burned.
352 Khan spoke with
local villagers who had seen the strike take place and who told him that they had
collected the charred body parts from the wreckage.
353
Khan was working five hours away in Peshawar on the evening the strike occurred.
354 A
cousin called him shortly after it happened to say that he needed to return to the village
as soon as possible, but would not tell him why.
355 Khan tried to find a ride back with a
relative that night, aware that something was wrong, but with no idea that his son—a
"peaceful guy" who was "very attached" to him—had been killed in a US drone strike.
356
It was not until Abdul Qayyum Khan arrived in Sirkot and from a distance saw his
neighbors filing into his home that he realized the gravity of what might have
happened.
357 "I thought I would have a heart attack,"358 he recalls. "I started weeping.
Lots of people there were weeping. . . . [Atiq-ur-Rehman's wife] was weeping fiercely."
359
Ibrahim Shah, Akram's Shah's brother, was also working in Peshawar that evening when
he received the news.
360 Trying to spare him the shock, his relatives called to say only
that his brother had been injured in an accident, waiting until much later that night to
call again and tell Ibrahim that his brother had in fact been killed in a drone strike.
361
Ibrahim took ten days off work to come back to the village, where he joined other
villagers and family members of the deceased in a large protest a few hours before the
funeral.
362 They lined up four of the victims' coffins across the main Bannu-Miranshah
road, and staged a procession and rally asserting that the deceased men were not
terrorists.
363
352
See, e.g., id.; Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012);
see also Eight Killed in Waziristan
, supra note 347; NWA Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties,
supra
note 331.
353
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
354
Id.
355
Id.
356
Id.
357
Id.
358
Id.
359
Id.
360
Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
361
Id.
362
Id.
363
Id.; Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); see also
NWA Tribesmen Protest Drone Attack Casualties
, supra note 245; Tribesmen Protest Drone Attacks,
supra
note 245.
66
Just over a year after the strike, the families of those killed are still struggling to deal
with the difficulty of losing loved ones. Atiq-ur-Rehman, a young man when he was
killed, left behind a wife and four children, two boys and two girls, ranging in age from
four months to four years.
364 According to Atiq-ur-Rehman's father, a driver who now
supports his dead son's entire family, some of the children seem to understand that their
father was killed, but they do not talk about it.
365 Akram, who was in his mid-30s at the
time of the strike, also left behind a wife and three sons.
366 According to Akram's
brother, Akram's wife became mentally unwell after his death, and now suffers from
hypertension and headaches.
367 She and Akram's sons are supported by a relative.368
Abdul Qayyum Khan told our research team, "[w]e will ask…America just to quit their
forces from Pakistan…but we will never curse them because it is of no use. We will ask
nothing of them. In my point of view, this is a futile effort. My son will not come back.
My son is dead."
369
J
ANUARY 23, 2009
Just three days after taking office, the Obama administration carried out its first drone
strikes in Pakistan. The strikes, launched on January 23, 2009, targeted two houses, one
in the village of Zeraki, North Waziristan, and one in Wana, South Waziristan.
370 Citing
an unnamed Pakistani security official,
The Washington Post reported the following day
that the attacks struck "suspected terrorist hideouts" and killed "at least 10 insurgents,
including five foreign nationals and possibly even 'a high-value target.'"
371 Other initial
364
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
365
See id.
366
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
367
Interview with Ibrahim Shah, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
368
See id.
369
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
370
Obama 2009 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2009-strikes/ (last visited Aug. 22, 2012).
371
R. Jeffrey Smith, Candace Rondeaux & Joby Warrick, 2 US Airstrikes Offer a Concrete Sign of
Obama's Pakistan Policy
, WASH. POST (Jan. 24, 2009), http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/
content/article/2009/01/23/AR2009012304189.html. Pakistani media reported the strikes in
similar terms.
See US Drone Attacks Kill 14 in Waziristan: First Obama-Era Strikes in Tribal Areas,
D
AWN (Jan. 23, 2009), http://archives.dawn.com/archives/33530; Twenty Killed in US Drone Strikes in
N, S Waziristan
, GEO PAKISTAN (Jan. 23, 2009), http://www.geo.tv/1-23-2009/33388.htm (noting that
the missile in North Waziristan targeted the house of "Khalil" and that foreigners were killed).
67
media accounts also reported that those killed by the strikes were militants.
372 The Long
War Journal,
which does not provide separate data on individual strikes, wrote a post
on its website about the two attacks on January 23, 2009.
373 On the Zeraki strike, it
reported that ten people (without identification or classification) had been killed and
that the target of the strike was "a compound run by a local named Khalil."
374
Within a few days of the Zeraki strike, some sources in Pakistan published information
that questioned the initial narrative. These sources cited the funeral for the victims,
attended by "thousands of tribesmen,"
375 as well as information from official and other
sources recognizing the death of three children and at least four civilians between the
Zeraki and Wana strikes.
376 Two years later, Islamabad attorney Shahzad Akbar filed a
suit on behalf of over a dozen Waziri residents who had been affected directly by drone
strikes. One of the named plaintiffs in the suit was Faheem Qureshi, a fourteen-year boy
372
See, e.g., Deadly Missiles Strike Pakistan, BBC NEWS (Jan. 23, 2009),
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7847423.stm (citing officials as saying "[f]our Arab militants" were killed in
the strike"); Ewen MacAskill,
President Orders Air Strikes on Villages in Tribal Area, GUARDIAN (Jan. 23,
2009), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jan/24/pakistan-barack-obama-air-strike (while
referencing reports that interviewed local interviewers, described the strikes as against "suspected
militants."); Juan Cole,
Obama's Vietnam?, SALON (Jan. 26, 2009),
http://www.salon.com/2009/01/26/obama_85/ (claiming that the owner of the home "hosted a party of
five alleged al-Qaida operatives in the guesthouse on his property," and referencing Pakistani press
accounts that claimed the strike killed "four Arab fighters and a Punjabi militant"). We were unable to
find updated information in the
Washington Post about these strikes.
373
Bill Roggio, US Strikes al Qaeda in North and South Waziristan, LONG WAR JOURNAL (Jan. 23, 2009),
available at
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2009/01/us_strikes_al_qaeda.php#ixzz1MJhxXvwL.
374
Id.
375
Mushtaq Yusufzai et. al., Thousands Attend Funeral of Drone Victims, NEWS (Jan. 25, 2009),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=19872&Cat=13&dt=1/25/2009 (noting that
"thousands of tribesmen on Saturday attended the funeral prayers of the victims of Friday's drone attacks
in the North and South Waziristan Agencies," and that "[they] were critical of the reporting of the
international wire agencies….[and] claimed that all those killed in the attack were innocent and local
villagers, who had nothing to do with militancy or Taliban").
376
Mushtaq Yusufzai, US Missile Strikes Kill 20 in Waziristan, THE NEWS (Jan. 24, 2009) (maintaining
that militants were killed in the Zeraki strike, but asserting that Khalil Dawar, the owner of the house and
others present were civilians, and that of the 20 killed in the Zeraki and Wana strikes "a majority [] were
local tribesmen")
http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=19836&Cat=13&dt=1/24/2009;
see also Death
Toll From Frontier Drone Strikes Rises to 22
, DAWN (undated article),
http://archives.dawn.com/archives/124483 (referring to January 23, 2009 Zeraki drone strike as
occurring on "Friday" and January 24, 2009 funeral as occurring on "Saturday" and noting that the two
strikes killed "three children and at least four civilians").
68
who lost his left eye and suffered a fracture skull in the Zeraki blast.
377 The suit led to
some additional reporting on the January 23 strikes, which emphasized that at least
some of the victims were civilians.
378 In light of developments over the past three years,
TBIJ
now reports that in the Zeraki strike at least seven and as many as 11 civilians were
killed, of a total of between seven and 15 total dead; the New America Foundation
reported that five to six civilians were killed, in addition to four "militants."
379 While
ambiguity remains about some of those killed in the Zeraki strike, available evidence
indicates that the attack killed numerous civilians, raising important questions about
whether the US complied with basic principles of proportionality and proper
precautions in attack. Our analysis focuses on the strike in Zeraki, Mir Ali, North
Waziristan, though much of the initial coverage treated the two strikes together, since
they both happened on the same day.
380
We interviewed Faheem Quereshi, a 14-year old who survived the strike, his doctor, his
cousin Ejaz Ahmad, who visited the strike site the following day, and the attorneys
representing victims in the matter. We also reviewed physical and documentary
evidence (including a complaint to the U.N.), media reports, and drone data
aggregators. The narrative in this section is based on these sources. We have not been
able to find an official US government statement about the strike,
381 nor were we able to
377
Hasnain Kazim, Relatives of Pakistani Drone Victims to Sue CIA, DER SPIEGEL (Jan. 21, 2011),
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/striking-back-at-the-us-relatives-of-pakistani-drone-victimsto-
sue-cia-a-740638.html (focusing on civilian victims, and noting "a lawsuit initiated by Karim Khan, a
43-year-old who lost his son and brother…[and joined by] [t]en other residents of Waziristan
…[including] 14-year-old Fahim Qureshi, who on Jan. 23, 2009, lost his left eye, suffered a fractured skull
and was hit by several shards in the stomach.").
378
Id.; see also Devi Boerema, Trying to Find the Truth Behind US Drone Strikes, RADIO NETHERLANDS
W
ORLDWIDE (Aug. 17, 2011), http://tswi.org/english/article/trying-find-truth-behind-us-drone-strikes
(discussing civilian victims of drone strikes and noting that Shahzad Akbar "represents Fahim Qureshi
and his family" in litigation in Pakistan).
379
Obama 2009 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 370 (finding that seven to 15 were killed in the strike,
including seven to 11 civilians);
2009: The Year of the Drone, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION,
http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/drones/2009 (identifying at least nine killed, including between
five and six civilians).
380
While we focus on the civilians harms in the Zeraki incident, evidence also suggests there have been
civilian casualties in the second strike in Wana, South Waziristan, although that strike was beyond the
scope of this report.
See CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, CIVILIANS IN ARMED CONFLICT:
C
IVILIAN HARM AND CONFLICT IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 20-21 (2010); Obama 2009 Pakistan Strikes,
supra
note 370.
381
The initial report by the Washington Post noted White House press secretary Robert Gibbs' refusal to
answer questions about the strikes. Smith, Rondeaux & Warrick,
supra note 371 ("I'm not going to get
into these matters.").
69
locate any on-the-record statements about the strike by the Pakistani government,
although media sources cited anonymous authorities.
382
On the night of January 23, 2009, in the village of Zeraki in North Waziristan, relatives
and neighbors gathered for tea and conversation in the
hujra383 of an elder named
Mohammad Khalil. Media sources have described Khalil in different ways, ranging from
a "tribal notable"
384 to someone "reported to be associated with Tehrik-i-Taliban
Pakistan of Baitullah Mehsud."
385 Some media sources suggest that Khalil may have
invited Taliban or Al Qaeda fighters to his
hujra,386 a charge denied by both Faheem and
Ejaz, who told our researchers that they believed that those in the house were innocent
and not involved in terrorism.
387
On the day of the strike, Khalil's adult guests included his relatives Khushdil Khan, the
owner of a hardware store in Mir Ali, and Mansoor-ur-Rehman, a former driver who
had worked in the United Arab Emirates, as well as his neighbors Ubaid Ullah, Rafiq
Ullah, and Safat Ullah.
388 Also in the hujra were Khalil's nephews, twenty-one-year-old
Azaz-el-Rehman Qureshi and sixteen-year-old Faheem Qureshi.
389 His female family
members were present, as were children, but they were in a nearby space, separate from
the men, as is common in Waziri culture.
390
382
See, e.g., supra notes 371 and 372 and accompanying text.
383
The hujra is the main meeting area in a Waziri home, usually where Waziri men entertain visitors. See
Numbers,
supra Chapter 2: Numbers.
384
Cole, supra note 372; see also Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5, 6 (describing Khalil, or
Khaleel, as "a retired schoolteacher").
385
US Drone Attacks Kill 14 in Waziristan, supra note 371; see also Death Toll From Frontier Drone
Strikes rises to 22
, supra note 376 (depicting Khalil as a "tribesman and Taliban sympathizer").
386
Cole, supra note 372 (asserting that Khalil "hosted a party of five alleged al-Qaida operatives in the
guest house on his property); Yusufzai,
US Missile Strikes Kill 20 in Waziristan, supra note 376 (citing
sources that asserted that "Khalil himself was not a militant, but had good relations with the Taliban and
was considered a trustworthy tribal host of Taliban fighters in the area.").
387
See Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Faheem
Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
388
Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5-6; see also Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
389
Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5-6.; see also Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
390
See Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); see also supra Methodology
(describing
purda, the practice of separation of men and women).
70
At about 5:00 that evening, they heard the hissing sound of a missile and instinctively
bent their heads down.
391 The missile slammed into the center of the room, blowing off
the ceiling and roof, and shattering all the windows.
392 The immense pressure from the
impact cracked the walls of the attached house, as well as those of the neighboring
houses.
393 Our research team reviewed photographs that Faheem showed us, which he
said showed the destruction to the home. Faheem, who stated that he was
approximately ten footsteps away from the center of the
hujra, suffered a fractured skull
and received shrapnel wounds and burns all over the left side of his body and face.
394 All
others in the
hujra—at least seven, but as many as 15 people—were killed.395
In the moments after the strike, Faheem said he "could not think."
396 "I felt my brain
stopped working and my heart was on fire," stated Faheem.
397 "My entire body was
burning like crazy."
398 Faheem wanted to splash water on his face, but he could not find
any.
399 After a few minutes of confusion, he stumbled out of the gate of his hujra, where
neighbors found him.
400 They quickly gathered Faheem into a pickup truck and rushed
him to a government hospital in Mir Ali, a ten-minute drive away, according to
Faheem.
401 Medics there bandaged his wounds and transferred him to another hospital
in Bannu, the closest major city outside FATA, where doctors operated to remove
shrapnel from his abdomen and repair damage to his leg, arm, and eyes.
402 Following
the surgery, Faheem was transferred to a private hospital in Peshawar, where he
remained for at least 23 days.
403 In the end, Faheem lost his left eye, which has since
been replaced by an artificial one; he also lost his hearing in one ear as a result of
391
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
392
See id.
393
Id.
394
See id.; Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5-6.
395
Interview with Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with
Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012);
see Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5-
6.
396
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
397
Id.
398
Id.
399
Id.
400
See id.
401
Id. Faheem noted that villagers ordinarily do not search the rubble of a strike for at least half an hour
after impact, because they fear a second missile will strike the rescuers.
Id.
402
Id.; see Complaint to UNHRC, supra note 342, at 5-6.
403
Id.
71
damage to his eardrum.
404 His vision in his right eye is still blurred, requiring ongoing
treatment, and he now has only limited mobility.
405
Faheem's cousin Ejaz Ahmad, who lives just a few kilometers away, did not attend the
gathering in the
hujra that evening, and was instead at a friend's home.406 He
discovered the next morning that his paternal uncle, Khush Dil Khan, in whose
hardware store Ejaz worked, died in the strike.
407 "The bodies were completely
destroyed," Ejaz stated.
408 "All we could retrieve was the torso and upwards."409
Those who dug through the rubble retrieved a small handful of items that the dead had
on their persons at the time of the attack; Faheem still carries these around with him as
reminders of the uncles and cousin he lost.
410 When the strike happened, Faheem's
cousin, Azaz-el-Rehman Qureshi, was preparing to move to the United Arab Emirates to
work as a driver, and had just finished his final preparations, including obtaining a
passport and having new clothes made.
411 Faheem showed our research team an
identification card (in the name of Azaz-el-Rehman Qureshi, which we copied),
412 a pair
of business cards for a Mir Ali fabric store, and a cargo service slip that Azaz was
carrying in his pocket on the night of the strike, each with jagged tears that Faheem said
he believed had been caused by missile shrapnel.
413 Faheem also showed us several
items retrieved from the person of Mohammad Khalil, his uncle. These were an
identification card in the name of Mohammad Khalil (which we copied
414) and a
shopping list covered in what appeared to be dried blood, listing everyday grocery items
404
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); see also Complaint to UNHRC,
supra
note 342, at 5-6.
405
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
406
Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
407
Id.
408
Id.
409
Id.
410
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
411
Id.
412
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012) (on file with Stanford research
team).
413
Id.
414
Id.
72
such as rice.
415 A third identification card, from his uncle Mansoor's pocket, was also
shredded; Faheem said he believed this was also due to shrapnel damage.
416
The mental and emotional impact of the strike has been lasting. Faheem, a top student
before the strike, told us he now feels uncomfortable and distracted when he studies:
"[a]t the time the drone struck, I had to take exams, but…I couldn't learn things, and it
affected me emotionally.…I became very short-tempered and small things annoyed me. I
got angry very quickly, small things agitated me."
417
He said that he had taken medicine at one point that had helped him to focus and
resume his education. Recently, however, he has once again started having difficulties
studying. He plans to return to the doctor to see if he can help.
418 Despite battling
significant challenges and frustrations, he still dreams of becoming a scientist.
419
Ejaz, whose uncle and cousins were killed in the strike, and who is currently studying for
an arts degree in college, said that he too "continued to go to school after the strike, but
[is] tense all the time."
420 He hopes to become a teacher, but at this point plans to leave
his studies after one year to move abroad to join his father.
421 Ejaz also told us that the
female members of the household who escaped the strike without physical injury have
nonetheless been affected by "mental tension and anxiety,"
422 and explained that both
he and other members of the family have trouble sleeping at night.
423
Faheem's extended family has yet to recover from the economic damage caused by the
strike. Mohammad Khalil left behind nine children, whom he had supported with his
teacher's pension; Mansoor-ur-Rehman left behind two sons and three daughters.
424
The strike caused substantial damage to the family's house, reducing the
hujra to a
roofless shell and leaving large cracks in the adjacent structures.
425 Having lost their
415
Id.
416
Id.
417
Id. These educational impacts on segments of Waziri society are further discussed later in this Chapter.
See
Beyond Killings: Civilian Impacts of US Drone Strike Practices, infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
418
Id.
419
Id.
420
Interview with Ejaz Ahmad, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
421
Id.
422
Id.
423
Id.
424
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
425
Id.
73
primary breadwinners and spent an enormous sum on Faheem's medical care, the
family cannot afford to rebuild.
426
As the first of 292 drone strikes carried out under President Obama in Pakistan,
427 the
January 23, 2009 strikes have received significant attention in the years that followed,
including in books by two prominent American journalists. The narrative in those two
books, however, focuses primarily on President Obama's role in and reaction to the
strike,
428 rather than on the accounts of victims such as Faheem Qureshi, or the impacts
of the strike on family and community members.
B
EYOND KILLING: CIVILIAN IMPACTS OF US DRONE STRIKE PRACTICES
The section below focuses on the impact that drones have on communities in North
Waziristan beyond the immediately apparent death, injury, and destruction caused to
those directly struck. The kinds of impacts described here are similar in numerous
respects to those reported in conflict zones, or during periods of considerable violence,
around the world. It is also essential to note, as described above,
429 that the Taliban
presence in FATA has caused significant harm to civilians. However, because of the
dearth of information in the US about the impacts of US drone strikes specifically, and
426
See id.
427
Drone Strikes in Pakistan by Year (Graph), THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Strikes-Per-Year-Dash6.jpg (last
visited Aug. 22, 2012);
Obama 2009 Pakistan Strikes, supra note 370.
428
For example, in Obama's Wars, Bob Woodward writes that Obama endorsed both the January 23,
2009 strikes even though they missed their intended high-value targets. B
OB WOODWARD, OBAMA'S WARS
93 (2010) ("Neither strike killed the intended 'HVT,' or high value target, but at least five Al Qaeda
militants died. . . . The president said good. He had fully endorsed the covert action program and made it
clear he wanted more."). Daniel Klaidman's
Kill or Capture (2012) paints a different picture of Obama's
reaction to news about the January 23, 2009 covert activities. According to Klaidman, Obama was
informed that the Wana strike missed its target and killed civilians, including two children. Klaidman
writes:
Obama was disturbed, and he grilled his counterterrorism adviser for answers. How
could this have happened? What about the pinpoint accuracy of these weapons, which he
had heard about all through the transition? . . . . [h]ere he was, in his first week as
president, presiding over the accidental killing of innocent Muslims.
D
ANIEL KLAIDMAN, KILL OR CAPTURE: THE WAR ON TERROR AND THE SOUL OF THE OBAMA
P
RESIDENCY 40 (2012).
429
See Numbers, infra Chapter 2: Numbers.
74
because they tend to be framed as "precision" weapons, this section discusses their
impacts on civilian populations in detail.
I
MPACTS ON WILLINGNESS TO RESCUE VICTIMS AND PROVIDE MEDICAL ASSISTANCE
There is now significant evidence that the US has repeatedly engaged in a practice
sometimes referred to as "double tap,"
430 in which a targeted strike site is hit multiple
times in relatively quick succession. Evidence also indicates that such secondary strikes
have killed and maimed first responders coming to the rescue of those injured in the
first strike. In a February 2012 joint investigative report, Chris Woods of
The Bureau of
Investigative Journalism
(TBIJ) documented that:
[o]f the 18 attacks on attacks on rescuers and mourners reported at the time by
credible media, twelve cases have been independently confirmed by our
researchers. In each case civilians are reported killed, and where possible we have
named them.
431
Since those findings were released, several more strikes have repeated this pattern,
including a strike on July 6, 2012 in which three "local people" and "tribesmen . . .
carrying out rescue work" were reportedly killed and two more injured in follow-up
strikes.
432
Those interviewed for this report were acutely aware of reports of the practice of followup
strikes, and explained that the secondary strikes have discouraged average civilians
430
Matthew Nasuti, Hellfire Missile Accuracy Problems Uncovered in Pentagon Data, KABUL PRESS (Nov.
27, 2011), http://kabulpress.org/my/spip.php?article89242 (speculating that the "double tap" strike
pattern is actually less the result of strategy than it is a cover for the less-than-pinpoint-accurate
technological capacity of the missiles used in most drone strikes and noting that "[d]ouble tap means that
the military fires two Hellfire missiles at each target in order to ensure that at least one hits the target");
see also
Derek Gregory, Lines of Descent, OPEN DEMOCRACY (Nov. 8, 2011),
http://www.opendemocracy.net/derek-gregory/lines-of-descent (reporting the "Circular Error Probable"
or "radius from the aiming point within which a [laser-fired Hellfire missile] will land 50 per cent of the
time" at 9-24 feet, and that of a 500lb GPS-guided JDAM bomb at 30-39 feet).
431
Chris Woods, Get the Data: Obama's Terror Drones, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Feb.
4, 2012), http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/get-the-data-obamas-terror-drones/.
432
Twenty Die in Double Drone Attack, DAWN (July 7, 2012), http://dawn.com/2012/07/07/twenty-diein-
double-drone-attack/;
see also Chris Woods, CIA 'Revives Attacks on Rescuers' in Pakistan, THE
B
UREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (June 4, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/06/04/cia-revives-attacks-on-rescuers-in-pakistan/.
75
from coming to one another's rescue, and even inhibited the provision of emergency
medical assistance from humanitarian workers.
The lone survivor of the Obama administration's first strike in North Waziristan,
Faheem Qureshi, stated that "[u]sually, when a drone strikes and people die, nobody
comes near the bodies for half an hour because they fear another missile will strike."
433
He believes that he would likely not have survived if he had not managed to walk out of
the smoking rubble of his
hujra on his own, because his neighbors would have waited
too long in coming to rescue him.
434 One interviewee told us that a strike at the home of
his in-laws hit first responders: "Other people came to check what had happened; they
were looking for the children in the beds and then a second drone strike hit those
people."
435 A father of four, who lost one of his legs in a drone strike, admitted that,
"[w]e and other people are so scared of drone attacks now that when there is a drone
strike, for two or three hours nobody goes close to [the location of the strike]. We don't
know who [the victims] are, whether they are young or old, because we try to be safe."
436
When individuals do try to recover bodies, they do so with knowledge that their efforts
might get them killed or maimed. Noor Behram, a journalist who has reported
extensively from the area, elaborated:
[W]hat America has tried to do is attack the rescue teams . . . . So now, what the
tribals do, they don't want many people going to the strike areas. Only three or
four willing people who know that if they go, they are going to die, only they go
in. . . . It has happened most of the times . . . [O]nce there has been a drone
attack, people have gone in for rescue missions, and five or ten minutes after the
drone attack, they attack the rescuers who are there.
437
Another interviewee, Hayatullah Ayoub Khan
, recounted a particularly harrowing
incident that he said he experienced while driving between Dossali and Tal in North
Waziristan.
438 He stated that a missile from a drone was fired at a car approximately
three hundred meters in front of him, missing the car in front, but striking the road
close enough to cause serious damage.
439 Hayatullah stopped, got out of his own car,
433
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
434
Id.
435
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
436
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
437
Interview with Noor Behram, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
438
Interview with Hayatullah Ayoub Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
439
Id.
76
and slowly approached the wreckage, debating whether he should help the injured and
risk being the victim of a follow-up strike.
440 He stated that when he got close enough to
see an arm moving inside the wrecked vehicle, someone inside yelled that he should
leave immediately because another missile would likely strike.
441 He started to return to
his car and a second missile hit the damaged car and killed whomever was still left
inside.
442 He told us that nearby villagers waited another twenty minutes before
removing the bodies, which he said included the body of a teacher from Hayatullah's
village.
443
Crucially, the threat of the "double tap" reportedly deters not only the spontaneous
humanitarian instinct of neighbors and bystanders in the immediate vicinity of strikes,
but also professional humanitarian workers providing emergency medical relief to the
wounded. According to a health professional familiar with North Waziristan, one
humanitarian organization had a "policy to not go immediately [to a reported drone
strike] because of follow up strikes. There is a six hour mandatory delay."
444 According
to the same source, therefore, it is "only the locals, the poor, [who] will pick up the
bodies of loved ones."
445
The dissuasive effect that the "double tap" pattern of strikes has on first responders
raises crucial moral and legal concerns. Not only does the practice put into question the
extent to which secondary strikes comply with international humanitarian law's basic
rules of distinction, proportionality, and precautions, but it also potentially violates
specific legal protections for medical and humanitarian personnel, and for the
wounded.
446 As international law experts have noted, intentional strikes on first
responders may constitute war crimes.
447
440
Id.
441
Id.
442
Id.
443
Id.
444
Interview with Shams Mohiuddin (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (May 2012).
445
Id.
446
See Chapter 4: Legal Analysis; see generally JEAN-MARIE HENCKAERTS & LOUISE DOSWALD-BECK,
I
NTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS, CUSTOMARY INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW: VOL. 1:
R
ULES (2006), available at http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/customary-internationalhumanitarian-
law-i-icrc-eng.pdf (mandating the protection of medical and humanitarian personnel
(Rules 25-32), the allowance and facilitation of unimpeded humanitarian relief for civilians in need, (Rule
55) and the provision of medical care for the wounded (Rules 110-11)).
447
Jack Serle, UN Expert Labels CIA Tactic Exposed by Bureau 'a War Crime', THE BUREAU OF
I
NVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (June 21, 2012) (noting UN Special Rapporteur for extrajudicial, summary or
77
D
IRECT PROPERTY DAMAGE AND ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IMPACTS
Many of the interviewees we spoke with experienced severe financial hardship as a
result of strike damage to their homes, loss of a primary breadwinner, or medical costs
incurred in caring for drone strike survivors.
In North Waziristan, extended families live together in compounds that often contain
several smaller individual structures.
448 Many interviewees told us that often strikes not
only obliterate the target house, usually made of mud,
449 but also cause significant
damage to three or four surrounding houses.
450 Such destruction exacts a significant
cost on communities, especially in a place like FATA where "underdevelopment and
poverty are particularly stark," and "savings, insurance, and social safety nets" are
largely unavailable.
451
A 45 year-old rural farmer who had to leave his village after a drone destroyed his house,
told us how it affected his family:
A drone struck my home. . . . I [was at] work at that time, so there was nobody in
my home and no one killed. . . . Nothing else was destroyed other than my house. I
went back to see the home, but there was nothing to do—I just saw my home
wrecked. . . . I was extremely sad, because normally a house costs around 10
lakh,
or 1,000,000 rupees [US $10,593], and I don't even have 5,000 rupees now [US
$53]. I spent my whole life in that house . . . my father had lived there as well.
There is a big difference between having your own home and living on rent or
mortgage. . . . [I] belong to a poor family and my home has been destroyed . . .
[and] I'm just hoping that I somehow recover financially."
452
arbitrary executions as observing that "if civilian 'rescuers' are indeed being intentionally targeted, there
is no doubt about the law: those strikes are a war crime"),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/06/21/un-expert-labels-cia-tactic-exposed-by-bureau-awar-
crime/.
448
Interview with Zafar Husam (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (May 2012); Interview with
Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
449
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
450
See, e.g., Interview with Ghulam Faris (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012)
(estimating that seven or eight houses around a house hit by a drone strike were affected); Interview with
Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("When a drone strikes, it easily destroys a
house.").
451
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 380.
452
Interview with Adil Hashmi (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
78
He now lives in a small rented house in Miranshah with his five sons, the oldest of
whom helps support the family by selling fruits and vegetables from a vending
cart.
453
Drone strikes that kill civilians also exact a substantial toll on livelihoods by
incapacitating the primary income earners of families.
454 Because men are typically the
primary income earners in their families, strikes often deprive victims' families of "a
key, and perhaps its only, source of income."
455 Families struggle to compensate for the
lost income, often forcing children or other younger relatives to forgo school and enter
the workforce at a young age.
456 Eighteen-year-old Hisham Abrar, whose cousin was
killed in a drone strike, explained that "a lot of men have been killed [who are] wage
earners for the house, and now the kids and the families don't have a source of income
because of that."
457 Others in his community do what they can to help, but "they are
poor, and they usually just rely on labor services—daily wage earning. That's only
sufficient for themselves, so it's hard to help others. But whenever they can, they do."
458
One man told us that several of his friends killed in the March 17, 2011
jirga strike459
"left a family and children" to be cared for by family members who have to "work with
their hands and feet" in hard labor to support them.
460 Another strike survivor
explained that a friend killed in a strike:
left behind a mother, two sisters, and a young baby brother. And they now live on
whatever the village gives them as charity. [The man's younger brothers] tried to
go out as laborers but they cannot do it. The other village men help them. And
there are sometimes these neighbors that give them food, sometimes not, but
they are basically living on charity.
461
453
Id.
454
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 380, at 26-28.
455
Id. at 26.
456
Id; see Interview with Hisham Abrar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
457
Interview with Hisham Abrar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
458
Id.
459
See March 17, 2011 Strike Narrative, supra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
460
In Interview with Masood Afwan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012). Other
relatives of those killed in the March 17, 2011 strike told of similar difficulties supporting family members
due to lost income from the strike victims.
See March 17, 2011 Strike Narrative, supra Chapter 3: Living
Under Drones.
461
Interview with Haroon Quddoos (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
79
In addition to the loss of homes and primary wage earners, several of those interviewed
were burdened with enormous medical bills following strikes incurred for surgeries,
mental health care, and hospital stays. Without major emergency medical centers or
adequate hospitals in North Waziristan, many victims were taken to Peshawar for
medical treatment, a journey that can take anywhere from hours to several days due to
rough terrain and poor security.
462 Once there, many ended up in private hospitals,
running up bills of several
lakhs each (each lakh equivalent to more than US$1000
each),
463 which is many times the average annual income in FATA.464
Medical bills of this magnitude can have a lasting effect on a victim's family. Sameer
Rahman's nephew, for example, suffered significant injuries in a strike that took place
during the holy month of Ramadan.
465 Family members took him to Peshawar for
medical care, but struggled to raise the 280,000 rupees ($2,960) required for his
treatment.
466 Forced to take out emergency loans, the family has amassed enormous
debt and still owes about 100,000 rupees (approximately US $1,058).
467 The family of
Dawood Ishaq, a father of four who lost consciousness for six days and underwent a leg
amputation following a 2010 attack, had to "[take] loans from different people . . . in the
village" to pay for his treatment. Dawood told us: "[m]y father had to labor hard and
work in different positions to earn that money, and sometimes I've had to sell off stuff
from home to make money. My kids have been sick . . . but we have to work very hard to
462
See, e.g., Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012);
Interview with Fahad Mirza (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with
Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Sameer Rahman (anonymized
name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012); Interview
with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Waleed Shiraz (anonymized
name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
463
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012); Interview
with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Sameer Rahman
(anonymized name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29,
2012).
464
The per capita income in FATA stands at a meager US$250 per year. UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
A
CCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, COMBATING TERRORISM: THE UNITED STATES LACKS COMPREHENSIVE PLAN TO
D
ESTROY THE TERRORIST THREAT AND CLOSE THE SAFE HAVEN IN PAKISTAN'S FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED
T
RIBAL AREAS (2008), reprinted in COMBATING ISLAMIC MILITANCY AND TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN'S BORDER
R
EGION 59, 64 (Nikolas J. Koppel ed., 2010).
465
Interview with Sameer Rahman (anonymized name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name),
in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
466
Id.
467
Id.
80
earn money to pay for the expense."
468 Now a double amputee, Dawood makes a living
selling vegetables when he can in a market in Mir Ali.
469
US authorities have not made any coordinated effort to provide compensation to strike
victims in Pakistan, although compensation schemes to address civilian harm do exist in
Afghanistan.
470 Pakistani authorities have offered limited compensation in some
instances, but these offers, rejected by many Waziris on principle,
471 fail to address
adequately the damage and loss of income the victims have sustained.
472
M
ENTAL HEALTH IMPACTS OF DRONE STRIKES AND THE PRESENCE OF DRONES
One of the few accounts of living under drones ever published in the US came from a
former
New York Times journalist who was kidnapped by the Taliban for months in
FATA.
473 In his account, David Rohde described both the fear the drones inspired
among his captors, as well as among ordinary civilians: "The drones were terrifying.
From the ground, it is impossible to determine who or what they are tracking as they
circle overhead. The buzz of a distant propeller is a constant reminder of imminent
death."
474 Describing the experience of living under drones as 'hell on earth', Rohde
explained that even in the areas where strikes were less frequent, the people living there
still feared for their lives.
475
Community members, mental health professionals, and journalists interviewed for this
report described how the constant presence of US drones overhead leads to substantial
468
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
469
Id.
470
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 451, at 63.
471
See, e.g., Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, and Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26,
2012) ("I mean, after the strike, we lost an entire community of elders, so we did not take these 3
lakh
rupees and we didn't take compensation because we thought we were more than that."); Interview with
Khairullah Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012) ("We think the Pakistani government has a hand,
or at least a heart, in it. We are Pashtuns and we will not accept compensation for this."); Interview with
Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012) ("We don't need any financial benefit. I don't
want to sell my son.").
472
CAMPAIGN FOR INNOCENT VICTIMS IN CONFLICT, supra note 451, at 51-57.
473
See David Rohde, The Drone War, REUTERS (Jan. 26, 2012),
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/01/26/us-david-rohde-drone-wars-idUSTRE80P11I20120126.
474
Id.
475
Id.
81
levels of fear and stress in the civilian communities below.
476 One man described the
reaction to the sound of the drones as "a wave of terror" coming over the community.
"Children, grown-up people, women, they are terrified. . . . They scream in terror."
477
Interviewees described the experience of living under constant surveillance as
harrowing. In the words of one interviewee: "God knows whether they'll strike us
again or not. But they're always surveying us, they're always over us, and you
never know when they're going to strike and attack."
478 Another interviewee who lost
both his legs in a drone attack said that "[e]veryone is scared all the time. When we're
sitting together to have a meeting, we're scared there might be a strike. When you can
hear the drone circling in the sky, you think it might strike you. We're always scared. We
always have this fear in our head."
479
A Pakistani psychiatrist, who has treated patients presenting symptoms he attributed to
experience with or fear of drones, explained that pervasive worry about future trauma is
emblematic of "anticipatory anxiety,"
480 common in conflict zones.481 He explained that
the Waziris he has treated who suffer from anticipatory anxiety are constantly worrying,
"'when is the next drone attack going to happen? When they hear drone sounds, they
run around looking for shelter."
482 Another mental health professional who works with
drone victims concluded that his patients' stress symptoms are largely attributable to
their belief that "[t]hey could be attacked at any time."
483
476
See, e.g. Interview with Azhar Aslam (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012) ("We
have lost our peace of mind. We are not at peace. All the time we are scared. There could be a drone attack
at any time. All the time, we are just scared."); Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in
Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("There's a sense of fear pervading around all the time."); Interview
with Iqbal Ali Mir (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("We are all scared in our
hearts because nobody knows who will be hit.").
477
Interview with Nasim Rahman (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
478
Interview with Khalid Raheem (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
479
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
480
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012). Anticipatory
anxiety refers to a "complex combination of a future-oriented cognitive state, negative affect, and
automatic arousal," involving a "sense of uncontrollability focused on possible future threat, danger, or
other upcoming potentially negative effects." Phyllis Chua et al.,
A Functional Anatomy of Anticipatory
Anxiety
, 9 NEUROIMAGE 563, 563 (1998) (citing David Barlow et al., Fear, Panic, Anxiety, and Disorders
of Emotion
, 43 NEBRASKA SYMPOSIUM ON MOTIVATION 251-328 (1996)).
481
See generally Abdel Aziz Mousa Thabet, Yehia Abed, & Panos Vostanis, Emotional Problems in
Palestinian Children Living In A War Zone: A Cross-Sectional Study
, 359 LANCET 1801 (2002), available
at
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140673602087093.
482
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
483
Interview with Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
82
Uncontrollability—a core element of anticipatory anxiety—emerged as one of the most
common themes raised by interviewees. Haroon Quddoos, a taxi driver who survived a
first strike on his car, only to be injured moments later by a second missile that hit him
while he was running from the burning car, explained:
We are always thinking that it is either going to attack our homes or whatever we
do. It's going to strike us; it's going to attack us . . . . No matter what we are
doing, that fear is always inculcated in us. Because whether we are driving a car,
or we are working on a farm, or we are sitting home playing . . . cards–no matter
what we are doing we are always thinking the drone will strike us. So we are
scared to do anything, no matter what.
484
Interviewees indicated that their own powerlessness to minimize their exposure to
strikes compounded their emotional and psychological stress. "We are scared. We are
worried. The worst thing is that we cannot find a way to do anything about it. We feel
helpless."
485 Ahmed Jan summarized the impact: "Before the drone attacks, it was as if
everyone was young. After the drone attacks, it is as if everyone is ill. Every person is
afraid of the drones."
486 One mother who spoke with us stated that, although she had
herself never seen a strike, when she heard a drone fly overhead, she became terrified.
"Because of the terror, we shut our eyes, hide under our scarves, put our hands over our
ears."
487 When asked why, she said, "Why would we not be scared?"488
A humanitarian worker who had worked in areas affected by drones stated that although
far safer than others in Waziristan, even he felt constant fear:
Do you remember 9/11? Do you remember what it felt like right after? I was in
New York on 9/11. I remember people crying in the streets. People were afraid
about what might happen next. People didn't know if there would be another
attack. There was tension in the air. This is what it is like. It is a continuous
tension, a feeling of continuous uneasiness. We are scared. You wake up with a
start to every noise.
489
In addition to feeling fear, those who live under drones–and particularly interviewees
who survived or witnessed strikes–described common symptoms of anticipatory anxiety
484
Interview with Haroon Quddoos (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
485
Interview with Mohsin Haq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
486
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
487
Interview with Farah Kamal (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 15, 2012).
488
Id.
489
Interview with Peter Brenner (anonymized name), in Pakistan (2012).
83
and post-traumatic stress disorder. Interviewees described emotional breakdowns,
490
running indoors or hiding when drones appear above,
491 fainting,492 nightmares and
other intrusive thoughts,
493 hyper startled reactions to loud noises,494 outbursts of anger
or irritability,
495 and loss of appetite and other physical symptoms.496 Interviewees also
reported suffering from insomnia and other sleep disturbances,
497 which medical health
professionals in Pakistan stated were prevalent.
498 A father of three said, "drones are
always on my mind. It makes it difficult to sleep. They are like a mosquito. Even when
490
A teenager from Machi Khel described seeing "a lot of people [who] have been mentally affected" by
drone strikes, and noted that sometimes people "have breakdowns where they start crying all of a sudden
and they are really scared." Interview with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
491
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("whenever
my wife sees a drone she is very confused and scared and runs inside the house"); Interview with Misbah
Naseri (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 9, 2012) ("We hide in different places.");
Interview with Sahar Nazir in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 15, 2012) (recounting second-hand anecdote of a
woman who ran around frantically inside her home looking for places to hide when she heard a drone
overhead).
492
Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview
with Haidar Nauman (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
493
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012) (describing how
he has to keep himself distracted with work, otherwise "the sound of the drone stays in my brain");
Interview with Syed Akhunzada Chitan, National Assembly Member, in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 14,
2012) (describing how people wake up in the night screaming, hallucinating about drones).
494
Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("Any loud
noise, I get scared because I think it might be a drone."); Interview with Fahad Mirza (anonymized name),
in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) (describing frightened reactions to noise, explosions, and loud
sounds).
495
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012) ("[After I was injured in the
strike,] I became very short-tempered and small things annoyed me. I got angry very quickly, small things
agitated me."); Interview with Saeed Yayha (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012)
("[W]hen the [drones] are there, I can't talk to people. I start fighting with everybody even when someone
is talking to me very sweetly. I start fighting with them because of all the pressure in my head.").
496
Pakistani psychiatrists interviewed attributed the frequent patient presentation of physical symptoms
(such as aches and pains and vomiting) to the common reluctance of patients to recognize or acknowledge
their emotional distress. Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan
(2012); Interview with Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); Interview with
Hatim Sheikh (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (2012); Interview with Abbas Uddin
(anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012). Psychiatrists may refer to physiological responses to
deeper psychological problems as "conversion" or "somatization" disorders.
See AMERICAN PSYCHIATRIC
A
SSOCIATION, DIAGNOSTIC AND STATISTICAL MANUAL OF MENTAL DISORDERS, § 300.11, 300.81 (4th ed.
2000).
497
Interview with Haroon Quddoos (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012); Interview
with Saeed Yayha (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Azhar
Aslam (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
498
Interviews with Medical Health Professionals who requested anonymity, in Lahore, Pakistan (2012).
84
you don't see them, you can hear them, you know they are there."
499 According to a
strike survivor, "When the drone is moving, people cannot sleep properly or can't rest
properly. They are always scared of the drones."
500 Saeed Yayha, a day laborer who was
injured from flying shrapnel in the March 17, 2011
jirga attack and must now rely on
charity to survive, said:
I can't sleep at night because when the drones are there . . . I hear them making
that sound, that noise. The drones are all over my brain, I can't sleep. When I
hear the drones making that drone sound, I just turn on the light and sit there
looking at the light. Whenever the drones are hovering over us, it just makes me
so scared.
501
Akhunzada Chitan, a parliamentarian who occasionally travels to his family home in
Waziristan reported that people there "often complain that they wake up in the middle
of the night screaming
because they are hallucinating
about drones."
502
Interviewees also reported a
loss of appetite as a result of
the anxiety they feel when
drones are overhead. Ajmal
Bashir, an elderly man who
has lost both relatives and
friends to strikes, said that
"every person—women,
children, elders—they are all
frightened and afraid of the drones . . . [W]hen [drones] are flying, they don't like to eat
anything . . . because they are too afraid of the drones."
503 Another man explained that
"We don't eat properly on those days [when strikes occur] because we know an innocent
Muslim was killed. We are all unhappy and afraid."
504
499
Interview with Mohammad Kausar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
500
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
501
Interview with Saeed Yayha (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
502
Interview with Syed Akhunzada Chitan, National Assembly Member, in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 14,
2012).
503
Interview with Ajmal Bashir (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
504
Interview with Arman Yousef (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
"Drones are always on my mind. It
makes it difficult to sleep. They are
like a mosquito. Even when you don't
see them, you can hear them, you
know they are there."
- Mohammad Kausar (anonymized name), father of three
85
Several Pakistani medical and mental health professionals told us that they have seen a
number of physical manifestations of stress in their Waziri patients.
505 Ateeq Razzaq
and Sulayman Afraz, both psychiatrists, attributed the phenomenon in part to Pashtun
cultural norms that discourage the expression of emotional or psychological distress.
506
"People are proud," Razzaq explained to us, "and it is difficult for them to express their
emotions. They have to show that they are strong people."
507 Reluctant to admit that
they are mentally or emotionally distressed, the patients instead "express their
emotional ill health through their body symptoms," resulting in what Afraz called
"hysterical reactions," or "physical symptoms without a real [organic] basis, such as
aches, and pains, vomiting, etcetera."
508 The mental health professionals with whom we
spoke told us that when they treat a Waziri patient complaining of generic physical
symptoms, such as body pain or "headaches, backaches, respiratory distress, and
indigestion," they attempt to determine whether the patient has been through a
traumatic experience. It is through this questioning that they have uncovered that some
of their patients had experienced drones, or lost a relative in a drone strike.
509
Mental health professionals we spoke with in Pakistan also said that they had seen
numerous cases of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)
510 among their patients from
505
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); Interview with
Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); Interview with Hatim Sheikh
(anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (2012); Interview with Abbas Uddin (anonymized name and
location), in Pakistan (2012).
506
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); Interview with
Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
507
Interview with Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
508
Id.; see Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
509
Interview with Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); see also Interview
with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); Interview with Hatim Sheikh
(anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (2012).
510
PTSD is an anxiety disorder experienced by some individuals who have been exposed to a traumatic
event. In diagnosing PTSD, psychiatrists look for three main categories of symptoms not present before
the traumatic event took place: "intrusive recollection," which can include flashbacks and nightmares;
"avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of general responsiveness"; and persistent
symptoms of anxiety or "increased arousal," which can include difficulty sleeping, irritability, or an
exaggerated startle response. A
MERICAN PSYCHIATRIC ASSOCIATION, DIAGNOSTIC AND STATISTICAL MANUAL
OF
MENTAL DISORDERS, § 309.81 (4th ed. 2000); see also John H. Casada, et. al., Psychophysiologic
Responsivity in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder: Generalized Hyperresponsiveness Versus Trauma
Specificity
, 44 BIOLOGICAL PSYCHIATRY 1037 (1998).
86
Waziristan related to exposure to drone strikes and the constant presence of drones.
511
For example, one psychiatrist described a female patient of his who:
was having shaking fits, she was screaming and crying . . . . I was guessing there
might be some stress . . . then I [discovered] there was a drone attack and she had
observed it. It happened just near her home. She had witnessed a home being
destroyed–it was just a nearby home, [her] neighbor's.
512
Interviewees also described the impacts on children.
513 One man said of his young niece
and nephew that "[t]hey really hate the drones when they are flying. It makes the
children very angry."
514 Aftab Gul Ali, who looks after his grandson and three
granddaughters, stated that children, even when far away from strikes, are "badly
affected."
515 Hisham Abrar, who had to collect his cousin's body after he was killed in a
drone strike, stated:
When [children] hear the drones, they get really scared, and they can hear them
all the time so they're always fearful that the drone is going to attack them. . .
[B]ecause of the noise, we're psychologically disturbed—women, men, and
511
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012). Afraz is a
psychiatrist who has treated patients from Waziristan whom he has diagnosed with PTSD.
Id. He
described his patients as having "the classic PTSD symptoms: restlessness, inability to sleep, flashbacks,
nightmares, [and] hyper startle reaction").
Id.; see also Interview with Ateeq Razzaq (anonymized name
and location), in Pakistan (2012) (describing treating a number of cases of PTSD related to drones);
Interview with Abbas Uddin (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
512
Interview with Abbas Uddin (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012).
513
One symptom frequently reported and requiring further research was of itchy eyes and skin, often in
children. A number of interviewees linked these symptoms with the drone strikes.
See Interview with
Waleed Shiraz (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) (attributing itchy skin to
chemicals purportedly released in drone strikes);
see also Interview with Aftab Gul Ali (anonymized
name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Noor Behram, in Islamabad, Pakistan
(Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Haidar Nauman (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9,
2012). Allergy-like symptoms can be a product of traumatic stress.
See Atul Gawande, The Itch, NEW
Y
ORKER (June 30, 2008),
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2008/06/30/080630fa_fact_gawande#ixzz1yrmCxIAZ. Atul
Gawande, a physician and author, is an Associate Professor at the Harvard School of Public Health and
Associate Professor of Surgery at Harvard Medical School. He has written that "[s]evere stress and other
emotional experiences can . . . give rise to a physical symptom like itching—whether from the body's
release of endorphins (natural opioids, which, like morphine, can cause itching), increased skin
temperature, nervous scratching, or increased sweating."
Id.; see also Petra C. Arck, et. al,
Neuroimmunology of Stress: Skin Takes Center Stage
, 126 J. OF INVESTIGATIVE DERMATOLOGY 1697, 1701
(2006) ("stress exerts severe skin inflammation"). In the case of North Waziristan, however, it is unclear
without further research whether the itchy symptoms are related to stress, or whether they have a physical
cause related or unrelated to strikes.
514
Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
515
Interview with Aftab Gul Ali (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
87
children. . . Twenty-four hours, [a] person is in stress and there is pain in his
head.
516
Noor Behram, a Waziri journalist who investigates and photographs drone strike sites,
noted the fear in children: "if you bang a door, they'll scream and drop like something
bad is going to happen."
517 A Pakistani mental health professional shared his worries
about the long-term ramifications of such psychological trauma on children:
The biggest concern I have as a [mental health professional] is that when the
children grow up, the kinds of images they will have with them, it is going to have
a lot of consequences. You can imagine the impact it has on personality
development. People who have experienced such things, they don't trust people;
they have anger, desire for revenge . . . So when you have these young boys and
girls growing up with these impressions, it causes permanent scarring and
damage.
518
The small number of trained mental health professionals
519 and lack of health
infrastructure in North Waziristan exacerbates the symptoms and illnesses described
here.
520 Several interviewees provided a troubling glimpse of the methods some
communities turn to in order to deal with mental illness in the absence of adequate
alternatives. One man said that "some people have been tied in their houses because of
their mental state."
521 A Waziri from Datta Khel—which has been hit by drone strikes
over three dozen times in the last three years alone
522—said that a number of individuals
516
Interview with Hisham Abrar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
517
Interview with Noor Behram, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
518
Interview with Sulayman Afraz (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (2012); See, e.g., William
Yule, et. al.,
The Long-Term Psychological Effects of a Disaster Experienced in Adolescence: 1: The
Incidence and Course of PTSD
, 41 J. CHILD PSYCHOLOGY & PSYCHIATRY 503 (2003).
519
One medical professional who works with Waziri drone victims said that he believed there were only a
few psychiatrists in the entire province. Interview with Zafar Husam (anonymized name and location), in
Pakistan (May 2012).
520
The mental health professionals we spoke with all raised concerns over the limited access to health
services in the region. According to an April 2008 report by the US Government Accountability Office
(GAO), FATA has 41 hospitals for a population of 3.1 million, and a doctor to population ratio of 1 to
6,762. U
NITED STATES GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, COMBATING TERRORISM: THE UNITED STATES
L
ACKS COMPREHENSIVE PLAN TO DESTROY THE TERRORIST THREAT AND CLOSE THE SAFE HAVEN IN PAKISTAN'S
F
EDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREAS 6 (2008), available at
http://www.gao.gov/assets/280/274592.pdf.
521
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
522
See Obama 2010 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2010-strikes/ (last visited Aug. 30, 2012);
Obama 2011 Pakistan Strikes
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
88
"have lost their mental balance . . . are just locked in a room. Just like you lock people in
prison, they are locked in a room."
523 Some of those interviewed reported that, to deal
with their symptoms, they were able to obtain anti-anxiety medications and antidepressants.
524
One Waziri man who lost his son in a drone strike explained that people
take tranquilizers to "save them from the terror of the drones."
525 Umar Ashraf obtained
a prescription for Lexotanil to treat "the mental issues I was facing," and said that taking
the medicine makes him feel better.
526 Saeed Yayha, however, said that the prescription
the doctors gave him to deal with "the pressure in his head" does not work for him;
527
"[i]t just soothes me for half an hour but it does not last very long."
528
I
MPACTS ON EDUCATION OPPORTUNITIES
Numerous interviewees reported that drone strikes have affected young Waziris' access
to education, which is especially troubling given the impact of threats and violence by
armed non-state actors against schools,
529 and FATA's already low literacy rates.530
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2011-strikes/ (last visited Aug. 30, 2012);
Obama 2012 Pakistan Strikes
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM,
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/01/11/obama-2012-strikes/ (last visited Aug. 30, 2012).
523
Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
524
Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview
with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Nadeem Malik (anonymized
name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan
(May 9, 2012); Interview with Haroon Quddoos (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8,
2012); Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Saeed
Yayha (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012). Most did not know the names of the
medicines they were taking, but Khalil Arshad showed us his prescription for Lexotanil, a benzodiazopine
derivative, and Nadeem Malik showed us his package of escitalopram, an anti-depressant.
See Interview
with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with Nadeem
Malik (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
525
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012). "Tranquilizer" was the word
used by Abdul Qayyum's interpreter; he likely was referring to anti-anxiety medications.
526
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
527
Interview with Saeed Yayha (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
528
Id.
529
See e.g., SOCIETY FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF CHILDREN, THE STATE OF PAKISTAN'S CHILDREN
53-54 (2012) ("Schools in the conflict affected areas of FATA and Khyber Pakhtunhwa were subjected to
persistent attacks by militant forces. Countless schools were blown up causing extensive damage to
educational infrastructure. Furthermore, threats of violence prevented students and teachers from
attending schools. As a result, thousands of educational institutions especially girls school became
nonfunctional and dropout rates increased tenfold . . ."),
available at
http://www.sparcpk.org/SOPC/Education.pdf.
89
First, some of those injured in strikes reported reduced access to education and desire to
learn because of the physical, emotional, and financial impacts of the strike. Second,
some families have pulled their children out of school to take care of injured relatives or
to compensate for the income lost after the death or injury of a relative. Third, some
families reported taking their children out of school due to fear that they would be killed
in a drone strike.
One father, after seeing the bodies of three dead children in the rubble of a strike,
decided to pull his own children out of school.
531 "I stopped [them] from getting an
education," he admitted.
532 "I told them we will be finished one day, the same as other
people who were going [to school] and were killed in the drone attacks."
533 He stated
that this is not uncommon: "I know a lot of people, girls and boys, whose families have
stopped them from getting [an] education because of drone attacks."
534 Another father
stated that when his children go to school "they fear that they will all be killed, because
they are congregating."
535 Ismail Hussain, noting similar trends among the young, said
that "the children are crying and they don't go to school. They fear that their schools will
be targeted by the drones."
536
Mohammad Kausar, a father of three, explained: "Strikes are always on our minds. That
is why people don't go out to schools, because they are afraid that they may be the next
ones to be hit."
537 A college student, whose brother was killed in a drone strike, told us
that in some cases, staff and teachers also "don't come because of these drone strikes.
The principal and maybe a few nominal staff come just for presence, but, apart from
that, nobody comes . . . other people are scared to come to our places to teach us."
538
530
FATA has an overall literacy rate of 17.42%. Socio Economic Indicators, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
F
EDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREA,
http://fata.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=55&Itemid=91 (last visited Aug. 21,
2012).
531
Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
532
Id.
533
Id.
534
Id.; see also Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012) (affirming that
families keep their children at home because of drones).
535
Interview with Noor Shafeeq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
536
Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
537
Interview with Mohammad Kausar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
538
Interview with Khairullah Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
90
These fears are not without a legitimate basis, as drones have reportedly struck schools
in the past,
539 resulting in extensive damage to educational infrastructure, as well as the
deaths of dozens of children.
540
Children and teenagers who have stayed in school described how drones have affected
their concentration and diminished their drive to study. Faheem Qureshi, the sole
survivor of the first strike in
North Waziristan carried
out under President
Obama, was one of the top
four students in his class
before the drone strike
fractured his skull and
nearly blinded him.
541 Now,
struggling with attention,
cognitive, and emotional
difficulties, he described
how his studies have been
affected:
539
The most well-known school strike was an October 6, 2006 strike on a religious school in Bajaur that
killed over 80 people, including 69 children.
See, e.g., Yousaf Ali, Most Bajaur Victims Were Under 20,
N
EWS (Nov. 5, 2006),
http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=4043&Cat=13&dt=11/5/2006;
see also Salman
Masood,
Pakistan Says It Killed 80 Militants in Attack on Islamic School, N.Y. TIMES (Oct. 31, 2006),
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/31/world/asia/31pakistan.html?_r=1 (reporting on a on a religious
school in Bajaur, resulting in reportedly 81-82 killed, including 69 children). Possible child casualties also
have been reported in a number of other strikes on schools, but have not been confirmed.
See, e.g., Griff
Witte,
Blast Kills At Least 20 in Pakistan, WASH. POST (June 20, 2007),
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/19/AR2007061901898.html ("Local
residents said . . . that at least two missiles fired from the drone had destroyed a religious school and
several adjacent houses, according to Rahimullah Yousefzai, a Peshawar-based journalist. . . . there might
have been as many as 50 people in the school at the time of the blast, including children.");
Suspected US
Missile Strike Kills Eight in Pakistan
, NEWS TRACK INDIA (Oct. 23, 2008),
http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/30650 ("A local journalist and tribal elder, Malik Mumtaz,
said on the telephone that all those killed and injured [in a strike on a religious school] were students aged
between 12 and 18.").
540
See Chris Woods, Over 160 Children Reported Among Drone Deaths, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE
J
OURNALISM (Aug. 11, 2011), http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/11/more-than-160-
children-killed-in-us-strikes/ ("A CIA strike on a madrassa or religious school in 2006 killed up to 69
children . . .");
see also Ali, supra note 539.
541
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); see also January 23, 2009
Strike Narrative,
supra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
"Our minds have been diverted from
studying. We cannot learn tings
because we are always in fear of the
drones hovering over us, and it really
scares the small kids who go to
school."
- Faheem Qureshi, teenage drone strike victim
91
Our minds have been diverted from studying. We cannot learn things because we
are always in fear of the drones hovering over us, and it really scares the small
kids who go to school. . . . At the time the drone struck, I had to take exams, but I
couldn't take exams after that because it weakened my brain. I couldn't learn
things, and it affected me emotionally. My [mind] was so badly affected . . .
542
Waleed Shiraz, who was disabled in a January 2008 attack that killed his father,
described how the strike altered his goals and devastated his family. A political science
major in college, Waleed "dreamt of either leading some school in Peshawar as a
principal or becoming a lawyer or even a politician representing Pakistan."
543 When the
strike took place, he was home on his first holiday from the National University of
Modern Languages in Islamabad, spending time with his family and studying for
exams.
544 At the time, he planned to study languages. Since the strike, those plans have
radically changed:
I can't dream of going back to college. I am unemployed. No one will give me
admission into college and who is going to finance it? We are unemployed and
our financial situation is extremely poor. Out of the ten kanals of land we owned
[1
¼ acres], we have sold five [5/8 acres] and the remaining five sit idle because
my two younger brothers are too young. They can't go to school, because I can't
afford supporting them, buying their books, and paying their fees. They are home
most of the day and they are very conscious of the fact that drones are hovering
over them. [The presence of drones] intimidates them. . . . My education is
wasted.
545
Teenager Sadaullah Wazir, also stated that he has had to give up on his dreams after
losing both legs in a drone strike.
546 "Before the drone strikes started, my life was very
good. I used to go to school and I used to be quite busy with that, but after the drone
strikes, I stopped going to school now. I was happy [then] because I thought I would
become a doctor."
547
Shahbaz Kabir explained that "education was always a problem in Waziristan, but, after
the drone attacks, it got even worse. A lot of the children—most of the children—had to
stop going to school."
548 Many with whom we spoke, such as Malik Najeeb Saaqib,
542
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
543
Interview with Waleed Shiraz (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
544
Id.
545
Id.
546
Interview with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
547
Id.
548
Interview with Shahbaz Kabir (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
92
lamented the deterioration in education and expressed concern about what it meant for
the future:
We want our children to get [an] education, to take [our story] to the world and
get exposure for what's going on here. We lag behind because of our lack of
education and lack of facilities in our area. . . .We want our girls and boys to get
[a] proper education. [We want] someone to become a doctor, someone to
become an air pilot, but just because of drone attack[s] we can't take them to
school, can't allow them.
549
Mohsin Haq, 14, explained that some of his classmates have given up on school
because "[t]hey are mentally disturbed. They can't focus. They're just too worried
about their family. They're not sure about anything, so school doesn't make sense
to them."
550 He also revealed his fears about the impacts on future generations,
and his hopes for change:
[The children in my community] are very optimistic that someday, when these
things do stop, they will continue with their life as they were before, start going to
school again. They still dream about a bright future, about the aspiring people
they want to be, the future administrators, the future principals of the schools,
and teachers and future politicians. . . . Every family, everybody, they do want to
think about their bright futures, their prosperous jobs, and their young kids. But
they can't think like that because of these drones, because of this uncertainty.
551
I
MPACTS ON BURIAL TRADITIONS AND WILLINGNESS TO ATTEND FUNERALS
Interviewees stated that the US drone campaign has undermined the cultural and
religious practices in North Waziristan related to burial, and made family members
afraid to attend funerals.
Religion plays an important role in community life in Muslim-majority North
Waziristan,
552 and Islam, like other religious and non-religious traditions, accords
549
Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
550
Interview with Mohsin Haq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
551
Id.
552
Palwasha Kakar, Tribal Law of Pashtunwali and Women's Legislative Authority 2-3 (Afghan Legal
History Project, Harvard Law School, 2004),
available at
http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/kakar.pdf ("In the Pashtun's mind, Pashtunwali
has a religious identity in Islam . . .").
93
significant respect for the dead. Many consider it the community's duty to bury the
deceased as soon as possible after death,
553 to wash and cover the deceased,554 and to
hold a communal funeral service,
555 an event that involves recitations of prayer for the
deceased and often serves as a collective coping mechanism.
556 Proper burial
ceremonies and grieving rituals are "essential to reduc[ing] or prevent[ing]
psychological distress" during times of large-scale disaster, and thus erosion of
ceremonies attendant to death is likely to have a significant impact on the way
communities grieve and deal with the loss of strike victims.
557
Because drone strikes have targeted funerals and spaces where families have gathered to
offer condolences to the deceased,
558 they have inhibited the ability of families to hold
dignified burials. Interviewees stated that they stayed away from funerals for fear of
being targeted. According to Ibrahim Qasim of Manzar Khel, "[t]here used to be funeral
processions, lots of people used to participate. . . . But now, [the US has] even targeted
funerals, they have targeted mosques, they have targeted people sitting together, so
553
Id. ("Islamic burial rituals normally require . . . prompt burial.").
554
Id. ("Islamic burial rituals normally require four elements: washing the body, shrouding . . .").
555
Id. ("Islamic burial rituals normally require . . . funeral prayers . . ."); see also Aziz Sheikh, Death and
Dying—A Muslim Perspective
, 91 J. OF ROYAL SOCIETY OF MEDICINE 138, 138-40 (1998) (detailing Islamic
rituals and practices with respect to dying and noting that "often the dead will be buried within 24 hours,"
and "a funeral prayer is held in the local mosque, and family and community members follow the
funeral.").
556
Rajaie Batniji, Mark Van Ommeren & Benedetto Saraceno, Mental and Social Health in Disasters:
Relating Qualitative Social Science Research and the Sphere Standard
, 62 SOC. SCIENCE & MEDICINE
1853, 1855 (2006).
557
Batniji, Van Ommeren & Saraceno, supra note 556, at 1855. See also Sue Lautze & Angela Raven-
Roberts, The Vulnerability Context: Is There Something Wrong With This Picture (Sept. 23, 2003)
(unpublished manuscript presented at the FAO International Workshop on "Food Security in Complex
Emergencies, Tivoli, 23-25 September, 2003) (on file with author) ("The healing process involves
psychological as well as socio-cultural practices that enable closure, e.g., bodies need to be identified and
buried . . .").
558
Drone Blitz on Pakistan Enters Third Straight Day, GUARDIAN (June 4, 2012),
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/04/15-dead-drone-pakistan;
see also Irfan Burki, 10 Killed
in Two South Waziristan Drone Attacks
, NEWS (Jun. 4, 2012), http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-
News-13-15090-10-killed-in-two-South-Waziristan-drone-attacks (reporting on a drone that struck
people gathered for funeral prayers, resulting in the death of up to ten individuals); Chris Woods &
Christina Lamb,
Obama Terror Drones: CIA Tactics in Pakistan Include Targeting Rescuers and
Funerals
, THE BUREAU OF INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Feb. 4, 2012),
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistaninclude-
targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/ (reporting that between January 2009 and February 2012,
"[m]ore than 20 civilians have [] been attacked in deliberate strikes on funerals and mourners.").
94
people are scared of everything."
559 Firoz Ali Khan provided a similar account, noting
that "not many people go to funerals because funerals have been struck by drones. Many
people are scared. They don't go to funerals because of their fear."
560 Dawood Ishaq,
who lost both his legs in a strike, confirmed this, explaining that people are reluctant to
go to the funerals of people who have been killed in drone strikes because they are afraid
of being targeted.
561
In addition, because the
Hellfire missiles fired from
drones often incinerate the
victims' bodies,
562 and leave
them in pieces and
unidentifiable, traditional
burial processes are rendered
impossible. As Firoz Ali Khan,
a shopkeeper whose father-inlaw's
home was struck,
graphically described, "These
missiles are very powerful. They destroy human beings . . .There is nobody left and small
pieces left behind. Pieces. Whatever is left is just little pieces of bodies and cloth."
563 A
doctor who has treated drone victims described how "[s]kin is burned so that you can't
tell cattle from human."
564 When another interviewee came upon the site of the strike
that killed his father, "[t]he entire place looked as if it was burned completely, so much
so that even [the victims'] own clothes had burnt. All the stones in the vicinity had
become black."
565 Ahmed Jan, who lost his foot in the March 17 jirga strike, discussed
the challenges rescuers face in identifying bodies: "People were trying to find the body
559
Interview with Ibrahim Qasim (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); see also
Interview with Hisham Abrar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("A lot of
people don't go to funerals now because they're scared of drone attacks.").
560
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
561
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
562
See supra note 278.
563
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
564
Interview with Zafar Husam (anonymized name and location), in Pakistan (May 2012).
565
Interview with Saad Afridi (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
"They destroy human beings…. There
is nobody left and small pieces left
behind. Pieces. Whatever is left is just
little pieces of bodies and cloth."
- Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized), Waziri business owner
95
parts. We find the body parts of some people, but sometimes we do not find
anything."
566
One father explained that key parts of his son's burial process had to be skipped over as
a result of the severe damage to his body. "[A]fter that attack, the villagers came and
took the bodies to the hospital. We didn't see the bodies. They were in coffins, boxes.
The bodies were in pieces and burnt."
567 Idris Farid, who was injured and lost several of
his relatives in the March 17
jirga
strike, described how,
after that strike, relatives "had
to collect their body pieces
and bones and then bury them
like that."
568 The difficulty of
identifying individual corpses
also makes it difficult to
separate individuals into
different graves. Masood Afwan, who lost several relatives in the March 17
jirga strike,
described how the dead from that strike were buried: "They held a funeral for
everybody, in the same location, one by one. Their bodies were scattered into tiny
pieces. They…couldn't be identified."
569
I
MPACTS ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL ACTIVITIES
Those interviewed stated that the widespread fear of drones has led some people to shy
away from social gatherings, and inhibited their willingness to carry out day-to-day
activities and important community functions.
570
566
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
567
Interview with Abdul Qayyum Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
568
Interview with Idris Farid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
569
Interview with Masood Afwan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
570
Importantly, virtually all the interviewees who described deterioration in community life traced it
specifically to the start of the drone program.
See, e.g., Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name),
in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012) ("Before the drones, people were happy and liked to go anywhere.
Now, because of drones, people are scared and upset."); Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized
name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("Before this we were all very happy. We lived a very good
life. But after these drone attacks a lot of people are victims and have lost members of their family. A lot of
"[s]kin is burned so that you can't tell
cattle from human."
- Zafar Husam, doctor who has treated drone victims
(anonymized name)
96
One interviewee stated that, "after the drones, people can't go and talk with or sit with
anybody at any time. And so they [face great difficulty carrying] on their business and
their families."
571 One man who lost a cousin in the March 17, 2011 jirga strike,
explained:
We do not come out of our villages because it's very dangerous to go out
anywhere. . . . In past we used to participate in activities like wedding gatherings
[and] different kinds of
jirgas, different kinds of funerals. . . . We used to go to
different houses for condolences, and there were all kinds of activities in the past
and we used to participate. But now it's a risk to go to any place or participate in
any activities.
572
The fears the interviewees described were not limited to ceremonial gatherings or other
large group activities. Many said that they were afraid even to congregate in groups or
receive guests in their home. Umar Ashraf, who has noticed the changes in community
dynamics over the past few years, observed that "[W]e do not like to sit like this, like
friends [gesturing in front of
him at the small circle of
interviewer, interviewee, and
translator], because we have
fear, since [they] usually
attack people when they sit in
gatherings."
573 Sameer
Rahman, whose family's
house was hit in a strike,
confessed that "there are
barely any guests who come anymore, because everyone's scared."
574 He also stated that
he does not allow his children to visit other people's homes when they have guests over,
because he believes having guests makes it more likely that the house will be attacked.
575
them, they have mental illnesses."); Interview with Shahbaz Kabir (anonymized name), in Islamabad,
Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("Before the drone attacks, our land was a prosperous land and people were
living in a peaceful way. Now, they are all the time scared and worried about the attacks"); Interview with
Abbas Kareem (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("[Life] was very good. It was
good. It was a life of no problems. No consequences, no fear in our hearts. We lived a very good time.").
571
Interview with Ajmal Bashir (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
572
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
573
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
574
Interview with Sameer Rahman (anonymized name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name),
in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
"[m]ore than two can't sit together
outside because they are scared they
might be struck by drones."
- Sadaullah Wazir, teenage drone victim
97
Sadaullah Wazir, a teenager, told us that drones have "made life quite difficult [in that]
more than two can't sit together outside because they are scared they might be struck by
drones. . . . We often discuss that too many people shouldn't sit together outside because
they are vulnerable then."
576 Another teenager told us:
We all used to get together, all our friends in the village. We used to have fun. But
now, that's not the case anymore. Earlier, in the village, we used to sit late into
the night, till one o'clock in the morning, but now everybody's habits have
changed. Everybody goes home directly in the evening.
577
Some of the Waziris interviewed described specific impacts of drone strikes on
commerce and certain economic activities, a key issue that requires further research.
One college student from
North Waziristan explained
that "Because of these
drones, people have
stopped coming or going
to the bazaars. . . . [I]t has
affected trade to
Afghanistan."
578 The
owner of a shop selling
toys in a North Waziristan
market stated that ever
since the drone strikes
began, "It's very hard for
us, we just barely get by
[with what we make in the shop]. . . . People are afraid of dying. They are scared of
drones."
579 One man, who once owned a car that he used to transport goods to and from
the rest of Pakistan, said that in the past he would agree to be hired for 200 rupees a
day.
580 Now, however, because of drones and the risks associated with their presence,
"nobody is even willing to work for 500 rupees."
581 This suggests that drones may have
575
Id.
576
Interview with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
577
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
578
Interview with Khairullah Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
579
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
580
Id.
581
Interview with Haroon Quddoos (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
"If I am walking in the market, I have
this fear that maybe the person walking
next to me is going to be a target of the
drone . . . . [or] . . . . Maybe they will
target the car in front of me or behind
me."
- Safdar Dawar, President of the Tribal Union of Journalists
98
resulted in increased transportation costs for anyone dependent on goods moving in or
out of FATA.
Interviewees stated that day-to-day activities, such as buying groceries or traveling to
work, were nerve-wracking. Safdar Dawar, President of the Tribal Union of Journalists,
the main association of journalists in the areas affected by US drones, described in
simple terms how people in North Waziristan make everyday decisions about how to
spend their time under the shadow of drones:
If I am walking in the market, I have this fear that maybe the person walking next
to me is going to be a target of the drone. If I'm shopping, I'm really careful and
scared. If I'm standing on the road and there is a car parked next to me, I never
know if that is going to be the target. Maybe they will target the car in front of me
or behind me. Even in mosques, if we're praying, we're worried that maybe one
person who is standing with us praying is wanted. So, wherever we are, we have
this fear of drones.
582
Fahad Mirza, who has had several relatives badly injured in strikes, made a similar
point: "We can't go to the markets. We can't drive cars. When they're hovering over
us, we're all scared. One thinks they'll drop it on our house, and another thinks it'll
be on our house, so we run out of our houses."
583
One of the most troubling community-wide consequences of the fear of gathering is, in
several interviewees' views, the erosion of the
jirga system, a community-based conflict
resolution process that is fundamental to Pashtun society.
584 Khalil Khan, the son of a
community leader killed in the March 17, 2011
jirga strike, explained that "everybody
after the strike seems to have come to the conclusion that we cannot gather together in
large numbers and we cannot hold a
jirga to solve our problems."585 Noor Khan, whose
father Malik Daud Khan presided over that
jirga and was killed, confirmed this account:
582
Interview with Safdar Dawar, President, Tribal Union of Journalists, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29,
2012).
583
Interview with Fahad Mirza (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
584
See generally Rare Condemnation by PM, Army Chief: 40 Killed in Drone Attack, DAWN (Mar. 18,
2011), http://dawn.com/2011/03/18/rare-condemnation-by-pm-army-chief-40-killed-in-drone-attack/;
L
UTZ RZEHAK, AFGHANISTAN ANALYSTS NETWORK, DOING PASHTO (2011), available at http://aanafghanistan.
com/uploads/20110321LR-Pashtunwali-FINAL.pdf; S
HERZAMAN TAIZI, JIRGA SYSTEM IN
T
RIBAL LIFE (2007), available at http://www.tribalanalysiscenter.com/PDFTAC/
Jirga%20System%20in%20Tribal%20Life.pdf; H
ASSAN M. YOUSUFZAI & ALI GOHAR, TOWARDS
U
NDERSTANDING PUKHTOON JIRGA (2005), available at
http://peace.fresno.edu/docs/Pukhtoon_Jirga.pdf.
585
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, & Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
99
Everybody is scared, especially the elders. . . [T]hey can't get together and discuss
problems . . . [I]f a problem occurs, they can't resolve it, because they are all
scared that, if we get together, we will be targeted again. . . . Everybody, all the
mothers, all the wives, they have told their people not to congregate together in a
jirga
. . . . [T]hey are pleading to them not to, as they fear they will be targeted.586
The
jirga is a vitally important part of Pashtun communal and political life, providing
opportunities for community input, conflict resolution, and egalitarian decisionmaking.
587
Hampering its functions could have serious implications for the communal
order, especially in an area already devastated by death and destruction.
I
MPACTS ON COMMUNITY TRUST
Interviewees stated that US drone strikes have contributed to an undermining of
community trust, and exacerbated tensions. Many Waziris have come to believe that
paid informants help the CIA identify potential targets, including by placing small
tracking devices, often referred to as "chips," or "sims," in vehicles or houses.
588 Stories
about the CIA's use of these chips were widely reported in 2009,
589 but we have not been
able to corroborate whether any form of tracking or signaling devices were or are in fact
being used. Nonetheless, many of those whom we interviewed believe that the chips
586
Id.
587
See generally RZEHAK, supra note 584; TAIZI, supra note 584; YOUSUFZAI & GOHAR, supra note 584.
588
See Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012);
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012); Interview with
Ismail Hussain (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Hayatullah
Ayoub Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012); Interview with Sameer Rahman
and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012); Interview with
Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012); Interview with Khalid Raheem
(anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012); Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized
name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
589
See, e.g., Carol Grisanti & Mushtaq Yusufzai, Taliban-Style Justice for Alleged US Spies, NBC (Apr. 17,
2009), http://worldblog.nbcnews.com/_news/2009/04/17/4376383-taliban-style-justice-for-alleged-usspies?
lite; Noah Schachtman,
Spy Chips Guiding CIA Drone Strikes, Locals Say, WIRED (June 1, 2009),
http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2009/06/spy-chips-guiding-cia-drone-strikes-locals-say/; Declan
Walsh,
Mysterious 'Chip' is CIA's Latest Weapon Against al Qaida Targets Hiding in Pakistan's Tribal
Belt
, GUARDIAN (May 31, 2009), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/31/cia-drones-tribesmentaliban-
pakistan.
100
exist, and are afraid of being planted with a chip.
590 Najeeb Saaqib, for example,
explained how he believes drones targets are chosen:
I think there are some other intelligence agencies, foreign intelligence agencies,
also working there in the shape of our own people. They grow a large beard and
take the same positions as our own people, working for those external agencies.
They put a chip or something else in places, and then a drone strikes those places.
That's what we think.
591
Hayatullah Ayoub Khan similarly explained that "drones [select] their targets with the
help of chips which are dropped in homes or cars by informants."
592 Many other
residents of North Waziristan gave similar accounts.
593 Policy analyst Samina Ahmed of
the International Crisis Group also noted this widespread belief, explaining that many
have told her that the Americans have "got people who throw parchiz [a local word for
chips] into a car, or at the side of a house, and then the drone comes and it attacks that
target."
594
These beliefs have bred a great deal of mistrust within the community, as neighbors
suspect neighbors of spying for US, Pakistani, or Taliban intelligence, and of using
drone strikes to settle feuds. As one resident of a drone-affected community explained:
"People have internal enemies and conflicts with each other. [T]o get revenge [on]
another party, they put chips on that house," which then signals to the drones that the
house is a target.
595 As a result, interviewees stated that communities are in a constant
state of alert, and suspicious of outsiders. Sayed Majid confessed that "we do not allow
[people from other villages] in the area very freely as they may have a sim [chip]. . . .
[W]e have to keep an eye on strangers especially and do not let them wander freely."
596
Farah Kamal put it more directly: "[P]eople start to think that other tribes are throwing
590
See supra note 588; see also Interview with Sameer Rahman (anonymized name) and Mahmood
Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012) ("[i]f you hold a sim in your
finger, I'm pretty sure the missile's going to come and hit your finger.").
591
Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
592
Interview with Hayatullah Ayoub Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 2, 2012).
593
See, e.g., Interview with Khalil Arshad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012)
("The Pakistani government gives money to our people for those chips to place in the houses, then the
Americans fire on those places."); Interview with Noor Behram, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012)
("Some people say it's through GPS, some people say it's through the chips."); Interview with Sameer
Rahman (anonymized name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan
(Feb. 29, 2012) ("The chip, the sim, is what we're looking for . . .").
594
Interview with Samina Ahmed, International Crisis Group, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 28, 2012).
595
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012).
596
Interview with Sayed Majid (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 9, 2012).
101
the chips. There is so much confusion and mistrust created within the tribal
communities. Drone attacks have intensified existing mistrust."
597
597
Interview with Farah Kamal (anonymized name), in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 15, 2012).
103
C
HAPTER 4: LEGAL ANALYSIS
This section provides an overview of the debate about the legality of the US targeted
killing program and drone campaign in Pakistan under both international
598 and US
domestic law. The section is intended for a non-legal audience, and thus should not be
seen as a comprehensive analysis of the complexities of international legal doctrine. It
outlines the legal issues regarding:
•
whether the US use of force in Pakistan violates Pakistan's sovereignty in
contravention of the U.N. Charter. This is a question of
jus ad bellum, the body of
law concerning the recourse to force, and depends on whether Pakistan has
consented to the
strikes, or whether
the US is lawfully
acting in selfdefense;
•
when and which
individuals may
lawfully be targeted
under applicable
international
human rights or
humanitarian law.
Regardless of one's
assessment of the
legality of the recourse to the use of force (
jus ad bellum)–the use of force against
a specific individual must also comply with either international humanitarian law
(in the context of an armed conflict) or international human rights law (outside
armed conflict). In this regard, the legality of so-called "signature strikes" is
highly suspect, as are attacks resulting in significant civilian casualties, attacks on
598
See Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Study on Targeted Killings,
Human Rights Council, UN Doc. A/HRC/14/24/Add.6 (May 28, 2010) (by Philip Alston),
available at
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/14session/A.HRC.14.24.Add6.pdf (detailing the
legal regime governing "targeted killing" in great detail, and providing an authoritative and
comprehensive analysis of the legal regime governing both the legal—and illegal—use of drones to target
and kill individuals in the context of counter-terrorism).
Repeated public statements by
Pakistani officials, which intensified in
2012—declaring that US strikes are
illegal, counter-productive, and violate
the country's sovereignty—clearly cast
doubt on whether Pakistan consents to
ongoing operations.
104
first responders and funerals, and the targeting of individuals not engaged in the
Afghanistan theater, particularly those who do not pose an imminent threat;
•
the extent to which the US has met its legal obligations to operate transparently
and to ensure accountability for alleged rights abuses;
•
whether current drone policy violates US domestic law, in light of its possible
expansion of the role of the executive vis-à-vis the Congress, and the prohibition
on assassination.
The US government's extreme reluctance to provide details about particular strikes or
the targeted killing program in general has impeded much-needed democratic debate
about the legality and wisdom of US policies and practices, and stymied understanding
about their actual impacts. The US has largely refused to answer basic questions about
the drone program posed in litigation or by civil society, journalists, or public
officials.
599 US officials have made some public comments,600 and there has been
extensive reliance on selective, limited, and favorable leaks about the program to
journalists. Yet discussions about the legality of the drones policy under both under
International Humanitarian Law (IHL), the body of law governing armed conflict, and
International Human Rights Law (IHRL), often require fact-dependent contextual
599
For questions and critiques from external actors, see, e.g., Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted
Killings
, supra note 598; Owen Bowcott, Drone Strikes Threaten 50 Years of International Law, Says
UN Rapporteur
, GUARDIAN (June 21, 2012), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/21/dronestrikes-
international-law-un#start-of-comments;
US Drone Strikes 'Raise Questions'- UN's Navi Pillay,
BBC N
EWS (June 8, 2012), http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-18363003; Letter from Amnesty
International et al. to Barack Obama, President of the United States (May 31, 2012),
available at
http://www.madre.org/index/resources-12/madre-statements-57/news/letter-to-administrationpressing-
for-transparency-on-drone-strikes-805.html;
US: Transfer CIA Drone Strikes to Military,
H
UMAN RIGHTS WATCH (April 20, 2012), http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/20/us-transfer-cia-dronestrikes-
military.
600
See e.g., John Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Terrorism, The Ethics
and Efficacy of the President's Counterterrorism Strategy, Address at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars (Apr. 30, 2012),
available at http://www.lawfareblog.com/2012/04/brennanspeech/;
Eric Holder, Attorney General, Department of Justice, Address at Northwestern University School of Law
(Mar. 5, 2012),
available at http://www.justice.gov/iso/opa/ag/speeches/2012/ag-speech-1203051.html;
Jeh C. Johnson, General Counsel, Department of Defense, National Security Law, Lawyers and Lawyering
in the Obama Administration, Address at Yale Law School (Feb. 22, 2012),
available at
http://www.cfr.org/national-security-and-defense/jeh-johnsons-speech-national-security-law-lawyerslawyering-
obama-administration/p27448; Harold K. Koh, Legal Advisor, Department of State, The
Obama Administration and International Law, Address at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of
International Law (Mar. 25, 2010),
available at http://www.state.gov/s/l/releases/remarks/139119.htm;
Stephen W. Preston, General Counsel, Central Intelligence Agency, The CIA: Lawless Rogue or Regulated
Business?, Address at Stanford Law School (Feb. 21, 2012).
105
analysis. This report relies on information documented through extensive first-hand
accounts to aid in its analysis.
W
HETHER THE US USE OF FORCE IN PAKISTAN VIOLATES PAKISTAN'S
S
OVEREIGNTY
Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter prohibits the threat or use of force by one state against
another.
601 Two exceptions to the Article 2(4) prohibition on the use of force are
particularly relevant to the question of whether US targeted killings in Pakistan are
lawful: (1) when the use of force is carried out with the consent of the host state;
602 and
(2) when the use of force is in self-defense in response to an armed attack or an
imminent threat, and where the host state is unwilling or unable to take appropriate
action.
603
601
UN Charter art. 2, para. 4. Some international lawyers interpret this language in Article 2(4) to indicate
a prohibition only of a subset of acts of force—those that challenge the territorial integrity or political
independence of the host state. C
HRISTINE GRAY, INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE USE OF FORCE 24-25 (2008).
This interpretation, though, has largely been rejected by the weight of international legal opinion, which
views Article 2(4) as "outlawing any transboundary use of military force." Sean D. Murphy,
Terrorism
and the Concept of 'Armed Attack' in Article 51 of the U.N. Charter
, 43 HARV. INT'L L.J. 41, 42 (2002). The
United Kingdom articulated a version of this interpretation in the
Corfu Channel case in the first matter
adjudicated by the International Court of Justice ('ICJ'), arguing that its intrusion on Albanian territorial
waters to recover evidence regarding the destruction of two British warships did not threaten Albania's
territorial integrity or political independence, and, therefore, did not violate Article 2(4).
See generally
The Corfu Channel Case (Alban. v. U.K.), 1949 I.C.J. 4, 194 (Apr. 9). The ICJ rejected this claim outright;
while the language leaves open the possibility of a narrow rejection based on the particular facts, the ICJ
has subsequently construed Article 2(4) as a blanket ban on armed intervention.
Id.; see generally
Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicar. v. US), 1986 I.C.J 14, 202 (June 27);
Case Concerning Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Dem. Rep. of Congo v. Uganda), 2005
I.C.J. 168 (Dec. 19).
602
See, e.g., G.A. Res. 36/103, UN Doc A/RES/36/103 (Dec. 9, 1981) (further identifying the "duty of a
State to refrain from economic, political, or military activity in the territory of another State without its
consent."); Special Rapporteur,
Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 35; OSCAR SCHACHTER,
I
NTERNATIONAL LAW IN THEORY AND PRACTICE 114 (1991); Ashley Deeks, 'Unwilling or Unable': Toward a
Normative Framework for Extraterritorial Self-Defense
, 51 VA. J. OF INT'L LAW 483, 492 (2012); Eliav
Lieblich,
Intervention and Consent: Consensual Forcible Interventions in Internal Armed Conflicts as
International Agreements
, 29 B.U. INT'L L.J. 337, 350 (2011) ("[C]onsent can be expressed in many
forms, in different moments along the time continuum, and does not necessarily have to be explicit- as
long as it is proven genuine.").
603
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 45. A third exception, involving
collective security under Chapter VII of the UN Chapter, is inapplicable, since the US drone program in
Pakistan lacks UN authorization.
106
Pakistani consent:
Some analysts, citing information released by Wikileaks,604
maintain that Pakistan had, at some prior point, tacitly supported drone strikes.
605 It is
not known whether Pakistan continues to consent privately to the program today.
Repeated public statements by Pakistani officials, which intensified in 2012—declaring
that US strikes are illegal, counter-productive, and violate the country's sovereignty
606—
clearly cast doubt on whether Pakistan consents to ongoing operations.
Self-defense:
In the absence of Pakistani consent, US use of force in Pakistan may not
constitute an unlawful violation of Pakistan's sovereignty if the force is necessary in selfdefense
607
in response to an armed attack
608–either as a response to the attacks of
604
Tim Lester, WikiLeaks: Pakistan Quietly Approved Drone Attacks, US Special Units, CNN (Dec. 1,
2010), http://articles.cnn.com/2010-12-01/us/wikileaks.pakistan.drones_1_drone-attacks-predatorstrikes-
interior-minister-rehman-malik?_s=PM:US (quoting former US Ambassador Anne Patterson's
recounting of a meeting with former Pakistani Prime Minister Yousaf Gilani, where he acknowledged "I
don't care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We'll protest in the National Assembly and then
ignore it.").
605
See, e.g., Mohammad I. Aslam, Wazirstan: The Drone Delusion, 3 SOUTH ASIA JOURNAL 55 (Jan. 2012),
available at
http://southasiajournal.net/issues/south-asia-journal-issue-3-january-2012/.
606
See, e.g., President Zardari Asks US to End Drone Strikes, Remove Mistrust, Dawn (Sept. 16, 2012),
http://dawn.com/2012/09/16/president-zardari-urges-us-to-immediately-cease-drone-strikes/ (citing
the spokesman to Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari as saying that, in a meeting with US special envoy to
Afghanistan and Pakistan Marc Grossman, Zardari "reiterated his call for an end to the drone attacks,
terming them counterproductive in the fight against militancy and in the battle of winning hearts'");
Pakistan Condemns 'Illegal' US Drone Strikes
, REUTERS (June 4, 2012),
http://tribune.com.pk/story/388730/pakistan-condemns-illegal-us-drone-strikes/ (referencing
statement by the Pakistani Foreign Ministry, declaring drone strikes to be "illegal" and a violation of
country's sovereignty);
Pakistan Says US Not Listening: Drone Strikes Must Stop, REUTERS (Apr. 26,
2012), http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/26/us-pakistan-minister-dronesidUSBRE83P0AM20120426
(citing Pakistani Foreign Ministry Hina Rabbani Khar, who declared in April
2012 that "[o]n drones, the language is clear: a clear cessation of drone strikes. I maintain the position
that we'd told them categorically before. But they did not listen. I hope their listening will improve.").
607
UN Charter art. 51. Note that there has been debate about whether Article 51 applies to the use of force
against non-state actors;
see, e.g., Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion, 2004 I.C.J. 136, 194 (July 9) (holding that Article 51 had "no
relevance" to attacks not "imputable to a foreign state.");
see also BARRY E. CARTER & ALLEN S. WEINER,
I
NTERNATIONAL LAW 981 (6th ed. 2011) ("[T]he international community has generally been critical of the
use of force in self-defense against non-state terrorists."); O
SCAR SCHACHTER, INTERNATIONAL LAW IN
T
HEORY AND PRACTICE 165 (1991) (expressing "substantial doubts" about whether Article 51 sanctions the
use of force against terrorist groups when no state has been "guilty of an armed attack" or has "directed or
controlled the terrorists in question).
But see Legal Consequences of the Construction of Wall, Advisory
Opinion, 2004 I.C.J. 207, at 215 (July 9) (separate opinion of Judge Higgins) ("There is, with respect,
nothing in the text of Article 51 that thus stipulates that self-defense is available only when an armed
attack is made by a state.").
608
International Court of Justice legal precedent also casts doubt on whether terrorist acts within
Pakistan today can constitute "armed attacks" on the US and thus are sufficient to give rise to a right to
self-defense under Article 51.
See Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua, supra
107
September 11, 2001,
609 or as anticipatory self-defense to mitigate threats posed by nonstate
groups in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
610 For the use of force to be
lawful, the host state must also be shown to be "unwilling or unable to take [the
appropriate steps, itself, against the non-state group]."
611 Legal experts, including the
current U.N. Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions,
Christof Heyns, have questioned whether "killings carried out in 2012 can be justified as
in response to [events] in 2001," noting that "some states seem to want to invent new
laws to justify new practices."
612 "Anticipatory" self-defense has been offered as a narrow
exception,
613 invoked to prevent an attack that is "instant, overwhelming, and leaving no
note 601, at 195 (distinguishing an 'armed attack' from mere 'frontier incidents');
see also GARY SOLIS, THE
L
AW OF ARMED CONFLICT: INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW IN WAR 153 (2010) ("The SLA was no more
than a criminal conspiracy."); Mary Ellen O'Connell,
Unlawful Killing with Combat Drones 14 (Notre
Dame Law School, Legal Studies Research Paper No. 09-43, 2010) (arguing that terrorist attacks "are
generally treated as criminal acts because they have the hallmarks of crime, not armed attacks that give
rise to the rights of self-defense"),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1501144. But see NILS MELZER,
T
ARGETED KILLING IN INTERNATIONAL LAW 52 (2008) ("[M]ost authors agree that massive terrorist attacks,
such as those carried out in New York City and Washington DC on 11 September 2001, or regular terrorist
attacks of a comparatively minor scale, such as the frequent Palestinian suicide bombings carried out in
Israel, can potentially qualify as an 'armed attack' within the meaning of Article 51 UN Charter.").
609
See, e.g., Brennan, supra note 600 ("[T]he United States is an armed conflict with al-Qa'ida, the
Taliban, and associated forces, in response to 9/11 attacks, and we may also use force consistent with our
inherent right to self-defense."); Holder,
supra note 600 ("[A]nd international law recognizes the
inherent right of national self-defense. . ."); Koh,
supra note 600 ("[T]he United States is in an armed
conflict with al-Qaeda, as well as the Taliban and associated forces, in response to the horrific 9/11
attacks, and may use force consistent with its inherent right to self-defense under international law.").
610
See, e.g., Brennan, supra note 600 ("[W]e conduct targeted strikes because they are necessary to
mitigate an actual ongoing threat — to stop plots, prevent future attacks, and save Americans lives.");
Holder,
supra note 600 ("[T]he US government's use of lethal force in self defense against a leader of al
Qaeda or an associated force who presents an imminent threat of violent attack would not be unlawful.").
611
Deeks, supra note 602, at 487-88; see also Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra 598,
at ¶ 35 ("[A] targeted killing conducted by one state in the territory of a second state does not violate the
second State's sovereignty if . . . . the first, targeting, State has a right under international law to use force
in self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, because . . . . the second state is willing or unable to
stop armed attacks against the first State launched from its territory.").
612
Bowcott, supra note 599 (citing the Special Rapporteur's further warning that the US drone campaign
threatens "50 years of international law," and questioning whether "we [are] to accept major changes to
the international legal system which has been in existence since world war two and survived nuclear
threats").
613
See, e.g., THOMAS M. FRANCK, RECOURSE TO FORCE: STATE ACTION AGAINST THREATS AND ARMED ATTACKS
2 (2002) (describing the UN Charter as a "constitutive instrument capable of organic growth"); William C.
Bradford,
The Duty to Defend Them: A Natural Law Justification for the Bush Doctrine of Preventative
War
, 79 NOTRE DAME L. REV. 1365 (2004); Michael Glennon, The Fog of Law: Self-Defense, Inherence,
and Incoherence in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter
, 25 HARV. J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 539, 557-58
(2002). Note, however, that this interpretation is in tension with the text of Article 51 of the UN Charter,
which permits invocations of self-defense only in response to an armed attack. UN Charter art. 51
("Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if
108
choice of means, and no moment of deliberation."
614 There is little publicly available
evidence to support a claim that each of the US targeted killings in northwest Pakistan
meets these standards. Indeed, on currently available evidence, known practices–such
as signature strikes, and placing individuals on kill lists for extended periods of time
615–
raise significant questions about how the self-defense test is satisfied.
an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations."). Many states have questioned the
anticipatory self-defense doctrine. Scholar Christine Gray has observed that "the vast majority of states
rejected [claims of anticipatory self-defense] before the events of 9/11." C
HRISTINE GRAY, INTERNATIONAL
L
AW AND THE USE OF FORCE 10 (2008). Writing in 2008, Gray noted that despite the position in favor of
anticipatory self-defense of powerful nations such as the US, the United Kingdom, and Israel, "differences
persist today."
Id. at 160. Gray goes on to note that states rarely expressly invoke the doctrine, "a clear
indication of the doubtful status of this justification for the use of force."
Id. at 161.
614
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 45; see also Letter from Daniel
Webster, US Secretary of State, to Lord Ashburton, (Aug. 8, 1842),
in CARTER & WEINER, supra note 607,
at 936-37. Webster's statement, which emerged from a diplomatic incident between the US and U.K. over
the killing of US citizens in British Canada in 1837 (known as the
Caroline case), has come to be the
customary international legal standard for preemptive self-defense. A recent Congressional Research
Service report has noted that US authorities have sought to expand the definition of imminence in the
case of non-state terrorist threats. J
ENNIFER ELSEA, CONG. RESEARCH SERV., 7-5700, LEGAL ISSUES RELATED
TO THE LETHAL TARGETING OF
US CITIZENS SUSPECTED OF TERRORIST ACTIVITIES 14 (2012) That report notes
that this "proposed redefinition of 'imminence' as a requirement for justifying the use of force in self
defense on the territory of another country may pose challenges to the international law regarding the use
of force. The standard definition of imminence from the
Caroline case, 'instant, overwhelming, and
leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation,' appears to have been completely reversed in
the case of a non-state actor).
Id. at 20.
615
Jo Becker & Scott Shane, Secret 'Kill List' Proves a Test of Obama's Principles and Will, N.Y. TIMES
(May 29, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all.
109
Further, it must be shown that the host state is "unwilling or unable to take [the
appropriate steps against
the non-state group]."
616
Pakistan has at times
failed to act decisively
against non-state
groups,
617 raising
questions about its ability
and willingness to take
necessary steps. At others,
however, it has also shown
a willingness to take
action.
618 Any such action
by Pakistan must,
however, also comport with all IHRL and IHL concerning the use of force (see below for
a discussion on
jus in bello considerations).
616
Deeks, supra note 602, at 487-88. See also Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra 598,
at ¶ 35 ("[A] targeted killing conducted by one state in the territory of a second state does not violate the
second State's sovereignty if . . . . the first, targeting, State has a right under international law to use force
in self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, because . . . . the second state is willing or unable to
stop armed attacks against the first State launched from its territory.").
617
See, e.g., Jaysharee Bajoria and Eben Kaplan, Backgrounder: The ISI and Terrorism: Behind the
Accusations
, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS (May 4, 2011), http://www.cfr.org/pakistan/isi-terrorismbehind-
accusations/p11644;
Bob Gates, America's Secretary of War, CBS NEWS (May 17, 2009),
http://www.cbsnews.com/2102-18560_162-5014588.html?tag=contentMain;contentBody (noting
Defense Secretary Robert Gates conceding that "to a certain extent, [Pakistan] play[s] both sides");
Pakistan Helping Afghan Taliban- NATO
, BBC NEWS (Feb. 1, 2012), http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldasia-
16821218 (citing a leaked 2012 NATO report claiming that "Pakistan's manipulation of the Taiban
senior leadership continues unabashed."); Declan Walsh & Eric Schmitt, New Bold From Militants Poses
Risk to US-Pakistan Ties, N.Y. T
IMES (July 30, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/31/world/asia/haqqani-network-threatens-us-pakistanities.
html?pagewanted=1&_r=2&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120731 (maintaining that the
Haqqani Network, a non-state group affiliated with the Taliban, operates "unmolested by the Pakistani
military" in North Waziristan").
618
Interview with Samina Ahmed, International Crisis Group, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 28, 2012)
("It's a pattern we've seen since 2002, where the Pakistani military has delivered foreign Al-Qaeda in
return for benefits."). Pakistan has arrested dozens of senior Al-Qaeda leaders, including Khalid Sheikh
Mohammed, and undertaken operations against militant groups in Swat Valley and parts of FATA.
U.N. Special Rapporteur on
extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary
executions Christof Heyns, has
questioned whether "killings carried out
in 2012 can be justified as in response
to [events] in 2001."
110
C
IRCUMSTANCES IN WHICH INDIVIDUALS MAY LAWFULLY BE LETHALLY
T
ARGETED
Separately from the question of whether US use of force in Pakistan violates Pakistani
sovereignty, the legality of strikes against particular individuals turns on their
compliance with IHL and/or IHRL. US strikes that occur outside the context of any
armed conflict are governed by IHRL law. If an armed conflict exists, both IHRL, and
IHL, as the
lex specialis ("law governing a specific subject matter"), apply. 619
T
HE EXISTENCE OF AN ARMED CONFLICT IN PAKISTAN
The existence of an armed conflict is determined according to objective legal criteria.
620
In the context of a non-international armed conflict (insofar as a "conflict" exists in
Pakistan between the US and others, it is a non-international conflict because it involves
non-state actors), factors such as whether the violence reaches a minimum level of
intensity and duration,
621 and involves a sufficiently identifiable and organized nonstate
group,
622 are relevant.
619
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 29; see also INTERNATIONAL
C
OMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS, INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW AND OTHER LEGAL REGIMES: INTERPLAY
IN
SITUATIONS OF VIOLENCE (2003), available at
http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/interplay_other_regimes_nov_2003.pdf ("In short, the
participants [of the XXVIIth Round Table on Current Problems in Humanitarian Law] agreed that the
existence of an armed conflict could permit the suspension of the application of derogable human rights
but only to the extent necessary, for the limited duration of exceptional events justifying their suspension
and subject to compliance with certain precise conditions. At the same time, a consensus emerged that,
even in this hypothesis of conflict, at least the non-derogable rules of human rights law continue to apply
and to complement IHL.").
620
See Sylvain Vité, Typology of Armed Conflicts in International Law: Legal Concepts and Actual
Situations
, 91 INT. REV. OF THE RED CROSS 69, 72 (2009) (noting the Geneva Conventions specified that
"international humanitarian law was. . . . no longer based solely on the subjectivity inherent in the
recognition of the state of war, but was to depend on verifiable facts in accordance with objective
criteria").
621
See Int'l Comm. of the Red Cross, How is the Term "Armed Conflict" Defined in International
Humanitarian Law?
(Mar. 2008) (laying out customary IHL); see also Additional Protocol II to the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Non-International Armed
Conflicts, June 8, 1977, art. 1(2), 1125 UNTS 609,
available at
http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/full/475?opendocument (requiring that the conflict amount to more than
"situations of internal disturbances and tensions, such as riots, isolated and sporadic acts of violence and
other acts of a similar nature") [hereinafter Protocol II].
111
US officials have been quick to apply IHL without establishing that the requisite
threshold for its application has been met. Yet numerous experts have raised questions
about whether the US is, in fact, in an armed conflict with all of the groups whose
members the US has targeted. This is because of factors such as the lack of
centralization and organization within some non-state groups,
623 and the existence of
only sporadic and isolated attacks by some groups.
624
The treaty has not yet been ratified by the US.
See id. Nonetheless, its ratification has been recommended
by both Presidents Reagan and Obama.
See Message from Ronald Regan, President of the US, to the
Senate Transmitting a Protocol to the 1949 Geneva Conventions (Jan. 29, 1987),
available at
http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1987/012987b.htm; Press Release, White House, Fact
Sheet: New Actions on Guantanamo and Detainee Policy (Mar. 7, 2011),
available at
http://www.lawfareblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Fact_Sheet_-
_Guantanamo_and_Detainee_Policy.pdf. The treaty has been ratified by 166 countries.
See Protocol II,
supra
. Further, many of its provisions have been incorporated into customary law. Special Rapporteur,
Study on Targeted Killings
, supra note 598, at ¶ 52.
622
Int'l Comm. of the Red Cross, supra note 621, at 5; see Protocol II, supra note 621, at art. 1(2) (holding
that the conflict must pit "armed forces" against "dissident armed forces or other organized armed groups
which, under responsible command, exercise such control over a part of its territory as to enable them to
carry out sustained and concerted military operations and to implement this Protocol"); Special
Rapporteur,
Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 52; Prosecutor v. Tadic, Case No. IT-94-1-IA,
Appeals Judgment, at ¶ 120 (July 15, 1999) (defining an organized group as one that "normally has a
structure, a chain of command and a set of rules as well as outward symbols of authority.").
623
Paul Pillar, Still Fighting Bush's GWOT, CONSORTIUM NEWS (June 23, 2012),
http://consortiumnews.com/2012/06/23/still-fighting-bushs-gwot/ ("[T]here is no distinct entity called
Al Qaeda that provides a sound basis for defining and delimiting an authorized use of military force.");
see
also
Kenneth Anderson, Targeted Killing in U.S Counterterrorism Strategy and Law 4 (Series on The
Brookings Institution, Georgetown University Law Center and the Hoover Institution Series on
Counterterrorism and American Statutory Law, No. 9, 2009),
available at
http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2009/05/11-counterterrorism-anderson ("Islamist terror
appears to be fragmenting into loose networks of shared ideology and aspiration rather than vertical
organizations linked by command central."); Bruce Hoffman,
The Changing Face of Al Qaeda and the
Global War on Terrorism
, 27(6) STUD. IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM 549, 552 (2004) (outlining that Al
Qaeda is "more akin to an ideology," "diffuse and amorphous," and "less centralized with more opaque
command and control relationships.").
624
In addition, the US policy lumps together Al Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces, from the TTP
and Laskhar-e-Taiba to the Haqqani Network and Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin, all of which have different
agendas and methodologies. This characterization has been challenged.
See, e.g., AMNESTY
I
NTERNATIONAL, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 'TARGETED KILLING' POLICIES VIOLATE THE RIGHT TO LIFE 12
(2012). Indeed, as one international law scholar has argued, to treat these disparate groups as a single
entity would be "akin to claiming that not only could the Korean war, the Vietnam war, and the Cuban
Missile Crisis . . . be considered part of a single armed conflict . . . but that anyone, or any group,
suspected of holding Communist opinions, anywhere around the globe, would also be seen as party to the
conflict." N
OAM LUBELL, EXTRATERRITORIAL USE OF FORCE AGAINST NON-STATE ACTORS 96 (2010).
112
D
RONE STRIKES UNDER INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW
If there is an armed conflict, the legality of any drone strike must then be evaluated in
accordance with IHL, including particularly the fundamental principles of distinction,
625
proportionality,
626 humanity,627 and military necessity.628
Distinction is particularly challenging in FATA, because fighters regularly intermingle
with civilians, engage in
routine activities and do not
wear uniforms. Nonetheless,
militaries engaged
in an armed conflict must
always attempt to
distinguish between legitmate
and illegitimate
targets for an attack.
Generally, "the civilian population as such, as well as individuals civilians, shall not be
the object of attack."
629 Civilians lose this protection when they "take a direct part in
hostilities."
630 Under the formulation of the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) of what constitutes direct participation in hostilities, the act committed must
625
Protocol II, supra note 621, at art. 13(2) ("The civilian population as such, as well as individual
civilians, shall not be the object of attack. Acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to
spread terror among the civilian population are prohibited.").
626
JEAN-MARIE HENCKAERTS & LOUISE DOSWALD-BECK, INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS,
C
USTOMARY INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW: VOL. 1: RULES 46 (2006) ("Launching an attack which
may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a
combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage
anticipated, is prohibited.").
627
Robin Coupland, Humanity: What is it and How Does it Influence International Law?,83 INT. REV. OF
THE
RED CROSS 969, 984, http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/misc/57jrlm.htm
("Humanity . . . limits, to the greatest extent possible, the effects of armed violence on people's security
and health. Importantly, it extends to restraining the capacity for armed violence so that humans can live
in a peaceable, constructive society in which, for instance, family life, education and commerce, i.e.,
humanity-humankind, can flourish.").
628
INT'L COMM. OF THE RED CROSS, INTERPRETIVE GUIDANCE ON THE NOTION OF DIRECT PARTICIPATION IN
THE
HOSTILITIES UNDER HUMANITARIAN LAW 77 (2009) ("[T]he kind and degree of force which is
permissible against persons not entitled to protection against direct attack must not exceed what is
actually necessary to accomplish a legitimate military purpose in the prevailing circumstances."),
available at
http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/icrc-002-0990.pdf.
629
Protocol II, supra note 621, at art. 13(2).
630
Id. at art. 13(3).
US officials have been quick to apply
IHL without establishing that the
requisite threshold for its application
has been met.
113
adversely and directly affect the opposing party in a concrete manner or lead to the loss
of life or property as part of a campaign in support of one party to a conflict.
631 This
definition adopts an approach focused on specific hostile acts of a certain magnitude
rather than organizational membership or more indirect forms of support.
632 The ICRC
has further distinguished between civilians who participated in specific acts and those
who maintain a continuous combatant function (CCF) by virtue of involvement on a
"persistently recurrent basis."
633 While a civilian participating in a specific act becomes a
permissible target during the execution of,
634 and, in some formulations, the
preparation of and deployment to and from the particular act,
635 a person who
maintains CCF status, under the ICRC formulation, may be targeted at any time. The
recognition under IHL that, at times, a civilian can become akin to a regular combatant
makes it "imperative that the other constituent parts of the [ICRC's Interpretive]
Guidance [on the Notion of Direct Participation in the Hostilities Under Humanitarian
Law] (threshold of harm, causation, and belligerent nexus) not be diluted."
636 Even
when a person is deemed to be a legitimate target of an attack, the attack must also
satisfy IHL's other core requirements. At a minimum, any attack must serve a legitimate
military objective, and the expected harm or risk to civilians must not outweigh the
expected military objective.
The research conducted for this study raises serious concerns about the compliance of
particular strikes, and targeted killing trends and practices, with IHL. These legal
concerns include questions regarding:
631
INT'L COMM. OF THE RED CROSS, supra note 628, at 44.
632
Id. at 46; See also Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 63-64.
633
INT'L COMM. OF THE RED CROSS, supra note 628, at 44. The principle of 'continuing combatant function'
has been criticized by those who believe it provides too little and too much protection for civilians in
situations of conflict.
See, e.g., Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 66
("Creation of the CCF category also raises the risk of erroneous targeting of someone who, for example,
may have disengaged from their function."); Bill Boothby, "
And For Such Time As": The Time Dimension
to Direct Participation in Hostilities
, 42 N.Y.U. J. INT'L. L. & POL. 741, 753-58 (2010) (questioning the
ICRC formulation of CCF and counseling 'consideration' of the US position in opposition to the existence
of the category); Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School, Targeting Operations with Drone
Technology: Humanitarian Law Implications 18-21 (Mar. 25, 2011) (Background Note for the American
Society of International Law Annual Meeting),
available at
http://www.law.columbia.edu/ipimages/Human_Rights_Institute/BackgroundNoteASILColumbia.pdf.
634
Id.
635
Kenneth Watkin, Opportunity Lost: Organized Armed Groups and the ICRC 'Direct Participation in
Hostilities' Interpretive Guidance
, 42 N.Y.U. J. INT'L. L. & POL. 640, 692 (2010) ("Carrying out an attack
or preparing to do so would constitute taking direct part in hostilities.").
636
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 67.
114
•
individual strikes, including those on mosques, funerals, schools, or meetings for
elders to gather and resolve community disputes, where large numbers of
civilians are present. Even when such strikes are aimed at one or more
individuals who may be deemed legitimate military targets, the presence of large
numbers of civilians in such spaces may make the strike disproportionate. Strikes
that result in large numbers of civilian deaths also raise questions about whether
adequate precautions
in attack were taken;
•
signature strikes, which
reportedly are based on
behavior patterns
observed from on high
and interpreted
thousands of miles
away. The practice of
such strikes raises
concerns about
whether they are
conducted with the
proper safeguards to ensure that they strike lawful targets;
637
637
Becker & Shane, supra note 615.
"[I]f civilian 'rescuers' are indeed
being intentionally targeted, there is
no doubt about the law: those strikes
are a war crime."
- Christof Heyns, U.N. Special Rapporteur on
extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions
115
•
strikes on rescuers and first responders, as documented in the Living Under
Drones Chapter.
638 These may violate the principle of distinction, and also
contravene specific rules protecting the wounded and humanitarian assistance.
639
It might be that, under the ICRC formulation of the CCF test, a fighter could be
lawfully targeted even while the person is at that moment rescuing someone.
640
However, available evidence raises very serious concerns about such strikes,
given that they occur in areas where civilians are very likely to be present. The
short time between first and second strikes at rescue sites further raises questions
over how an individual's
lawful target status could
be properly determined.
Evidence uncovered by
our research team that
humanitarian actors may
not attend to strikes
immediately because of
second-strike fears is
especially troubling.
641 As
U.N. Special Rapporteur
on extrajudicial, summary
or arbitrary executions
Christof Heyns
observed, "[I]f civilian 'rescuers' are indeed being intentionally targeted, there is
no doubt about the law: those strikes are a war crime;"
642
•
the proportionality of particular strikes, in light of the higher-end estimates of
civilian casualties noted in the Numbers chapter.
643 Recent revelations regarding
638
See infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
639
See HENCKAERTS & DOSWALD-BECK, supra note 626, at 79, 105, 396 (explaining the rules with regards
to the search for, collection and evacuation of the wounded, sick and shipwrecked (Rule 109); Medical
Personnel (Rule 25); and Humanitarian Relief Personnel (Rule 31)).
640
See e.g., Robert Chesney, Is DPH the Relevant Standard in Pakistan? An Important Element in the
Debate Missing from BIJ's report
, LAWFARE (Feb. 6, 2012), http://www.lawfareblog.com/2012/02/isdph-
the-relevant-standard-in-pakistan-an-important-element-in-the-debate-missing-from-bijs-report/.
641
See infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
642
Jack Serle, UN Expert Labels CIA Tactic Exposed by Bureau 'a War Crime', THE BUREAU OF
I
NVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (June 21, 2012), http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/06/21/unexpert-
labels-cia-tactic-exposed-by-bureau-a-war-crime/.
The data we gathered, reviewed in
light of parallel political events and
key moments of US-Pakistani
relations, suggests a troubling
correlation between events of
political significance and the
intensity of drone strikes.
116
the Obama administration's "guilt by association"
644 approach to counting dronestrike
casualties, classifying 'all military-age males' as 'combatants' absent
exonerating evidence, reinforce these concerns;
645
•
the necessity of particular strikes, in light of research we conducted on the timing
and intensity of drone attacks between January 2010 and June 2012, as well as
analysis done by the Congressional Research Service. The data we gathered,
reviewed in light of parallel political events and key moments in US-Pakistani
relations, suggests a troubling correlation between events of political significance
and the intensity of drone strikes. Take, for example, the events that followed the
arrest of CIA contractor Raymond Davis, who reportedly killed two men in
Pakistan on January 27, 2010. Pakistani authorities arrested Davis on that same
day, January 27. Although the US had launched six strikes in the three weeks
preceding his arrest (January 6-27), it did not strike again for over three weeks
after the incident. During this period, US authorities engaged in a high-level
lobbying campaign to ensure the release of Davis.
646 Some attribute the pause in
drone strikes to US efforts to secure Davis's release and/or to "avoid angering a
population already riveted by the Davis arrest."
647 Then, in the period between
February 20 and Davis's eventual release on March 16, the US launched eleven
643
See infra Chapter 2: Numbers; US Drone Strikes 'Raise Questions', supra note 599 (quoting UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay after a June 2012 trip to Pakistan as stating that "drone
attacks do raise serious questions about compliance with international law, in particular the principle of
distinction and proportionality").
644
Becker & Shane, supra note 615.
645
Overly permissive criteria after the fact, together with serious public accountability and transparency
deficits, provide little assurance that each use of lethal force strictly complies with the relevant law.
Indeed, in many other contexts, a failure to examine carefully the legality of government use of force after
a killing has led to development of a culture of impunity and heightened the risk of unlawful killing.
See,
e.g.
, U.N. Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Study on Police
Oversight Mechanisms
, Human Rights Council, UN Doc A/HRC/14/24/Add.8 (May 28, 2010) (by Philip
Alston),
available at
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/14session/A.HRC.14.24.Add8.pdf; H
UMAN
R
IGHTS WATCH, URBAN POLICE VIOLENCE IN BRAZIL: TORTURE AND POLICE KILLINGS IN SÃO PAULO AND RIO
DE
JANEIRO AFTER FIVE YEARS 13 (1993) (arguing that failure to sanction police officers, including one who
had killed 44 civilians allegedly in acts of defense of human life, fostered a culture of impunity in São
Paulo state, contributing to an increase in police killing, which totaled over 1400 in 1992 alone).
646
Mark Mazzetti, Ashley Parker, Jane Perlez & Eric Schmitt, American Held in Pakistan Worked With
C.I.A.
, N.Y. TIMES (February 21, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/22/world/asia/22pakistan.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all.
647
Ishtiaq Mashud, Al Qaeda Figure Believed Killed in US Drone Strike, WASH. TIMES (Feb. 21, 2011),
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/feb/21/al-qaeda-figure-believed-killed-us-dronestrike/?
page=all.
117
strikes. Following the March 16 release, with the exception of the March 17
jirga
strike,
648 the US did not authorize another strike afterwards for almost a month
(until April 13).
649 The Congressional Research Service (CRS) reached a similar
conclusion: "[m]essaging to Pakistan appears to continue to be part of the
[drone] program's intent."
650 Apart from the Raymond Davis incident, CRS cited
two additional examples of the intensification of drone strikes related to political
events.
651
I
N THE ABSENCE OF ARMED CONFLICT, ONLY INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW
A
PPLIES
IHRL permits the intentional use of lethal force only when strictly necessary and
proportionate. Thus, "targeted killings" as typically understood (intentional and
premeditated killings) cannot be lawful under IHRL, which allows intentional lethal
force only when necessary to protect against a threat to life, and where there are "no
other means, such as capture or non-lethal incapacitation, of preventing that threat to
life."
652 There is little public evidence that many of the targeted killings carried out fulfill
this strict legal test. Indeed, and as described above, many particular strikes and
practices suggest breaches of the test, including: signature strikes; strikes on rescuers;
the administration's apparent definition of "militant;" the lack of evidence of imminent
threat; and the practice of extensive surveillance and presence on a list before killing.
648
See infra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
649
For full details, refer to Appendix C. In a similar vein, strikes fluctuated significantly during the time
period immediately before and after the May 2012
New York Times investigative piece on targeted killing.
Becker & Shane,
supra note 615. The revelations in the Times piece were widely perceived as a boon to
Obama's popularity at home.
See, e.g., Charles Krauthammer, Barack Obama: Drone Warrior, WASH.
P
OST (May 31, 2012), http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/barack-obama-dronewarrior/
2012/05/31/gJQAr6zQ5U_story.html. The US launched nine strikes across North Waziristan in
the seven days before and after the
Times piece although it had not launched a single strike in the two
weeks preceding that period and only two in the subsequent two weeks. For full details, refer to Appendix
B.
650
K. ALAN KRONSTADT, CONG. RESEARCH SERV., R41832, PAKISTAN-US RELATIONS 22 (2012), available at
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/193708.pdf.
651
Id. ("major strikes closely followed … the Administration's July 2011 announcement on partial
suspension of US military aid to Islamabad;" and "a series of drone strikes came immediately after the
May 2012 NATO summit where President Obama refused to meet with his Pakistani counterpart.").
652
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 33.
118
The nature and effect of the US targeted killing policy may also contravene in some
instances other sections of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR),
653 an international human rights treaty ratified by the US. Sections of the
ICCPR potentially violated by US drone practice include Article 7 (prohibition on cruel,
inhumane, and degrading treatment or punishment), Article 9.1 (right to liberty and
security), Article 17 (right to freedom from arbitrary or unlawful interference with
privacy, family, and home), Article 21 (right to peaceful assembly), and Article 22 (right
to freedom of association).
654 Thus, for example, Articles 21 and 22 might be violated
where drone strike practices cause individuals to fear assembling in groups—as
described by many interviewees—out of concern that they might be assumed to be
engaged in suspicious activity that might result in a signature strike.
US D
OMESTIC LAW
US drone strikes must also comply with US domestic law. Under Article II of the US
Constitution, the President wields significant authority over questions involving
national security and the use of force.
655 The Constitution, though, also entrusts key
responsibilities, including the authority to declare war, to Congress.
656 When acting
pursuant to Congressional authorization in an area delegated to him under the
Constitution, the President has relatively expansive authority to act.
657
The principal domestic legislative basis offered to justify drone strikes is the
Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF), a joint resolution of both houses of
Congress passed exactly one week after 9/11. The AUMF permits the President to use
"all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he
653
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, opened for signature Dec. 16, 1966, 999
U.N.T.S. 171 (entered into force Mar. 23, 1976).
654
See generally id.
655
US Const. art. II, § 2, cl. 1 ("The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the
United States…");
see Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 US 579, 645 (1952) (Jackson, J.,
concurring) ("I should indulge the widest latitude of interpretation to sustain [the President's] exclusive
function to command the instruments of national force, at least when turned against the outside world for
the security of our society. . . His command power is not such an absolute as might be implied from that
office in a militaristic system but is subject to limitations consistent with a constitutional Republic whose
law and policy-branch is a representative Congress.").
656
See, e.g., US Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1, 11 ("The Congress shall have the Power To. . . . declare War.").
657
Youngstown Sheet, 343 U.S at 635 ("When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied
authorization of Congress, his authority is at its maximum.").
119
determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred
on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons."
658 While
subsequent legal and judicial developments expanded the government's
detention
authority beyond the parameters of the AUMF,
659 the AUMF continues to provide the
legal basis for the
use of force against Al Qaeda. The 2012 National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), for example, while affirming the President's power to detain
forces "associated" with Al Qaeda and Taliban and "engaged in hostilities against the
United States or its coalition partners,"
660 notes that "nothing in this section is intended
to limit or expand the authority of the President or the scope of the Authorization for
Use of Military Force."
661 Congress, which has been more engaged recently in oversight
of the drone program,
662 has yet to expand or limit the authorization for the executive to
use force under the AUMF at this writing.
US officials have cited the AUMF to support their position that the country is at 'war' not
only with Al Qaeda and the Taliban, but also with all alleged affiliated groups, wherever
they may operate, and at any point when they emerge.
663 For example, Jeh Johnson,
General Counsel of the Department of Defense, has stated that the US government
considers the AUMF to authorize force against "associated forces."
664 An associated
force, according to Johnson, is "(1) an organized, armed group that has entered the fight
alongside Al Qaeda, and (2) is a co-belligerent with Al Qaeda in hostilities against the
658
Authorization for Use of Military Force, Pub. L. No. 107-40, 115 Stat. 224 (2001).
659
See, e.g., Al-Bihani v. Obama, 590 F.3d 866, 872 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (holding that the AUMF grants the
President authority to detain individuals who are "part of forces associated with Al Qaeda or the
Taliban."); Military Commissions Act of 2006, Pub. L. No. 109-366, 120 Stat. 2600 (2006) (defining an
unlawful enemy combatant for the purposes of jurisdiction as a "a person who has engaged in hostilities
or who has purposefully and materially supported hostilities against the United States or its cobelligerents
who is not a lawful enemy combatant (including a person who is part of the Taliban, al Qaeda
or associated forces)").
Al-Bihani and the Military Commissions Act do not consider targeted killings.
660
National Defense Authorization Act Fiscal Year 2012, H.R. 1540, 112th Cong. § 1021(b)(2) (2012).
Note, though, that the Constitutionality of this provision has been challenged.
See, e.g., Hedges v. Obama,
No. 12 Civ. 331(KBF), 2012 WL 3999839 (S.D.N.Y. 2012) (ruling that § 1021(b)(2) is unconstitutional and
enjoining its enforcement). At the time of this writing, the 2nd Circuit judge had issued a stay on the
decision pending appeal.
Hedges v. Obama, No. 12-3176, slip op. at 1 (2d Cir. Sept. 17, 2012).
661
Id. at § 1021(d).
662
Ken Dilanian, Congress Keeps Closer Watch on CIA Drone Strikes, L.A. TIMES (June 25, 2012),
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/middleeast/la-na-drone-oversight-
20120625,0,7967691,full.story.
663
See, e.g., Jeh C. Johnson, General Counsel, Department of Defense, National Security Law, Lawyers
and Lawyering in the Obama administration, Address at Yale Law School (Feb. 22, 2012),
available at
http://www.cfr.org/national-security-and-defense/jeh-johnsons-speech-national-security-law-lawyerslawyering-
obama-administration/p27448.
664
Id.
120
United States or its coalition partners."
665 The plain language of the AUMF, though,
would appear only to authorize the use of force against those tied to the attacks of
September 11, 2001, and not
any "associated forces" who may subsequently allegedly
join with Al Qaeda.
666 While the AUMF would thus cover actions against Al Qaeda and
the Afghan Taliban, strikes against groups not involved with the 9/11 attacks, including,
for example, the Haqqani Network and TTP, would not be covered under the currently
existing language.
The express legislative authorization in the AUMF, read in conjunction with the wartime
powers of the executive under Article II, endow the President with expansive authority
to act on use of force questions in the post-9/11 context.
667 In addition, the President has
the authority to issue findings to authorize CIA action beyond the parameters of
Congressional authorization as long as such action does not otherwise violate domestic
law.
668 Some argue that this allows the President to authorize the CIA to take preemptive
lethal action in self-defense against terrorists in response to an imminent
threat, without first obtaining Congressional approval.
669 While all US presidents have
embraced an executive order issued by President Gerald Ford in 1976
670 prohibiting
political assassination,
671 at least two presidents have reportedly relied on classified legal
memoranda to conclude that "executive orders banning assassination do not prevent the
president from lawfully singling out a terrorist for death by covert action."
672
665
Id.
666
See, e.g., Jonathan Masters, Backgrounder: Targeted Killings, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS (Apr.
30, 2012), http://www.cfr.org/counterterrorism/targeted-killings/p9627 (quoting John Bellinger, former
legal adviser for the US Department of State under Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice from 2005 to
2009 and current Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, who argues that the AUMF
is "still tied to the use of force against people who planned, committed, and or [sic] aided those involved
in 9/11.").
667
Youngstown Sheet, 343 US at 591.
668
50 USC. § 413b(a) (2006).
669
W. Hays Parks, Memorandum of Law: Executive Order 12333 and Assassination, 27 ARMY LAWYER 4,
7-8 (1989).
670
Exec. Order No. 11,905, 41 Fed. Reg. 7703 (Feb. 18, 1976).
671
See, e.g., Exec. Order No. 12,036, 43 Fed. Reg. 3674 (Jan. 24, 1978) (closing the loopholes on the US
assassination ban and declaring that "no employee of the United States Government shall engage in, or
conspire to engage in, assassination"); Exec. Order No. 12,333, 3 C.F.R. 200 (1981).
672
Barton Gellman, CIA Weights 'Targeted Killing' Missions, WASH. POST (Oct. 28, 2001),
http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&node=&contentId=A63203-
2001Oct27¬Found=true;
see also Jeremy Scahill, The Democrats' Selective Amnesia on
Assassination: Clinton Did it and Obama Does it Too
, HUFFINGTON POST (July 15, 2009),
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeremy-scahill/the-democrats-selective-a_b_233708.html;
US Policy on
121
To the extent that strikes may occur pursuant to executive findings authorizing CIA
action beyond the parameters of Congressional authorization, the legal framework
guiding CIA engagement must be examined. Many have questioned what rules govern
the CIA,
673 with some even suggesting that the express purpose of the CIA is to
safeguard vital national interests by means of covert action that may go beyond the
parameters of the law.
674 The CIA's involvement in drone strikes in Pakistan does not
absolve the US from its responsibility to adhere to binding domestic law. Although the
CIA is governed by a different section of the US Code (Title 50) than that which
regulates the armed forces (Title 10), the CIA "may not authorize any action that would
violate the Constitution or any statute of the United States."
675 Director of National
Intelligence James Clapper explained in a January 2012 Senate Intelligence Committee
hearing that the entirety of Harold Koh's March 2010 speech at the American Society of
International Law's annual conference, which laid out the legal requirements to which
the US is bound and the administration's legal justification for targeted killings, applied
equally to intelligence agencies.
676
Executive orders to the CIA authorizing covert action (such as drone strikes), though,
are not public, and thus their terms cannot be examined. Should they not provide a legal
basis for actions of this sort or should the US invocation of self-defense be invalid in
particular instances, individual strikes could constitute acts of illegal extrajudicial
assassination. Assassination has long been condemned in the US. Thomas Jefferson
wrote in a letter to James Madison in 1789 that "assassination, poison, [and perjury]"
were all "legitimate purposes in the dark ages…but exploded and held in just horror in
the 18
th century."677 As recently as 2001, the US Ambassador to Israel Martin Indyk
Assassinations
, CNN (Nov. 4, 2002), http://articles.cnn.com/2002-11-
04/justice/us.assassination.policy_1_assassination-prohibition-cia-lawyers?_s=PM:LAW/.
673
See, e.g., Michael McAndrew, Wrangling in the Shadows: The Use of United States Special Forces in
Covert Military Operations in the War on Terror
, 29 B.C. INT'L & COMP. L. REV. 153, 161 (2006).
674
Kathryn Stone, "All Necessary Means" Employing CIA Operatives in a Warfighting Role Alongside
Special Operations Forces
(US Army War College Strategy Research Project #0704-0188, Apr. 7, 2003),
available at
http://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/stone.pdf ("Whereas US military operations are more easily
proven to be in compliance with both national and international law because they occur in the public
domain, this is not the case with CIA covert operations . . . . there are overriding national interests (vital
interests) that must be protected outside the framework of international law.").
675
50 USC. § 413b(a)(5) (2006).
676
Senate Select Intelligence Committee Holds Hearing on Worldwide Threats, 112th Cong. (2012)
(statement of James Clapper, Director of National Intelligence).
677
Letter from Thomas Jefferson to James Madison (Aug. 28, 1789), in 15 THE PAPERS OF THOMAS
J
EFFERSON 367 (Julian P. Boyd ed., 1958); see Philip Alston, The CIA and Targeted Killing Beyond
122
declared that "the United States government is very clearly on record as against targeted
assassinations… they are extrajudicial killings, and we do not support that."
678 Strikes of
this sort occurring outside of authorized armed conflict would be subject to US domestic
law.
679 If US citizens are targeted, constitutional protections and due process
requirements also apply.
680
A
CCOUNTABILITY AND TRANSPARENCY
International law requires states to ensure basic transparency and accountability for
wrongs. States must investigate war crimes allegations, and prosecute where
appropriate.
681 The obligation to be transparent is particularly relevant when there are
civilian victims; indeed, some have argued that parties to an armed conflict are
obligated to record civilian casualties.
682 IHRL further "places a particular emphasis on
the obligation of states to investigate, prosecute and punish any alleged violation of the
norms banning extrajudicial executions."
683 A proper investigation requires
Borders
(New York Univ. Law Sch. Pub. Law & Legal Theory Research Paper Series, Working Paper No.
11-64, Sept. 16, 2011),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1928963.
678
Jane Mayer, The Predator War, NEW YORKER (Oct. 26, 2009),
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/10/26/091026fa_fact_mayer.
679
Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note 598, at ¶ 71.
680
For a discussion of the additional constitutional legal considerations involved in the targeting of US
citizens, see Complaint at ¶ 41-43,
Al-Aulaqi v. Panetta, No. 12-cv-01192-RMC (filed on 07/18/2012), as
well as Memorandum in Support of Plaintiff's Motion for a Preliminary Injunction at 8-23, Al-Aulaqi v.
Obama, 727 F.Supp.2d 1 (D.D.C. 2010). In an interview with Jessica Yellin of
CNN on September 5, 2012,
President Obama recognized, in response to a question about the standards that apply to drone strikes
when 'the target is an American'?', that "[as an] American citizen, they are subject to the protections of the
Constitution and due process."
Obama Reflects on Drone Warfare (CNN television broadcast Sept. 5,
2012),
available at http://security.blogs.cnn.com/2012/09/05/obama-reflects-on-drone-warfare/.
681
HENCKAERTS & DOSWALD-BECK, supra note 626, at 607 (explaining Rule 158).
682
Susan Breau & Rachel Joyce, Discussion Paper: The Legal Obligation to Record Civilian Causalities of
Armed Conflict
2 (Oxford Research Group, June 2011), available at
http://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/sites/default/files/1st%20legal%20report%20formatted%20FI
NAL.pdf
; see also Susan Breau, Marie Aronsson, & Rachel Joyce, Discussion Paper 2: Drone Attacks,
International Law, and the Recording of Civilian Causalities of Armed Conflict 2
(Oxford Research
Group, June 2011),
available at
http://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/sites/default/files/ORG%20Drone%20Attacks%20and%20Inter
national%20Law%20Report.pdf
.
683
Alston, supra note 677, at 22; see also Special Rapporteur, Study on Targeted Killings, supra note
598, at ¶ 15 (citing to the Israel High Court of Justice, The Public Committee Against Torture et al. v. The
Government of Israel, et al., HCJ 769/02, Judgment of 14 Dec. 2006 (PCATI) for the holding that "after
each targeted killing, there must be a retroactive and independent investigation of the 'identification of
the target and the circumstances of the attack'").
123
transparency: as the European Court of Human Rights explained, "[t]here must be a
sufficient element of public scrutiny of the investigation or its results to secure
accountability in practice as well as in theory, maintain public confidence in the
authorities' adherence to the rule of law and prevent any appearance of collusion in or
tolerance of unlawful acts."
684
By failing to account adequately for their activities in any public forum and even
refusing to acknowledge publicly the existence of targeted killing operations for years or
to explain sufficiently their legal basis, the US has failed to meet its international legal
obligations to ensure transparency
and accountability. In
addition, while Article 51 of
the U.N. Charter, which the
US has implicitly invoked to
justify strikes, requires that
"measures taken by Members
in the exercise of [their] right
to self-defense . . . be immediately
reported to the Security
Council,"
685 the US has yet to
make such a report. Recent public disclosures and the occasional willingness by public
officials to discuss the program publicly is welcome progress, but more is still required.
Partial and selective leaks to journalists and vague invocations of legal doctrine in talks
in public fora are poor substitutes for proper transparency and oversight. Officials boast
of the rigor of internal oversight mechanisms and decision-making processes,
686 but, as
former U.N. Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions
Professor Philip Alston concluded:
Assertions by Obama administration officials, as well as by scholars, that these
operations comply with international standards are undermined by the total
absence of any forms of credible transparency or verifiable accountability. The
CIA's internal control mechanisms, including the Inspector-General, have had no
discernible impact; executive control mechanisms have either not been activated
at all or have ignored the issue; congressional oversight has given a 'free pass' to
684
Anguelova v. Bulgaria, 38 Euro. Ct. H.R. 31, ¶ 140 (2002) (cited in Alston, supra note 677, at 23).
685
UN Charter art. 51.
686
See, e.g., Brennan, supra note 600 ("[T]he United States government has never been so open
regarding its counterterrorism policies and legal justification."); Preston,
supra note 600.
Partial and selective leaks to
journalists and vague invocations of
legal doctrine in talks in public fora
are poor substitutes for proper
transparency and oversight.
124
the CIA; judicial review has been effectively precluded; and external oversight has
been reduced to media coverage which is all too often dependent on information
leaked by the CIA itself.
687
687
Alston, supra note 677, at 118.
125
C
HAPTER 5: STRATEGIC CONSIDERATIONS
The central justification for US drone strikes is that they are necessary to make the US
safer by disrupting militant activity. Proponents argue that they are an effective,
accurate, and precise tool to that end. However, serious questions have been raised
about the accuracy and efficacy of strikes, and the publicly available evidence that they
have made the US safer overall is ambiguous at best. Considerable costs also have been
documented. The under-accounted-for harm to civilians–injuries, killings, and broad
impacts on daily life, education, and mental health–was analyzed in detail above, and
must be factored as a severe cost of the US program.
688 In addition, it is clear that US
strikes in Pakistan foster anti-American sentiment and undermine US credibility not
only in Pakistan but throughout the region. There is strong evidence to suggest that US
drone strikes have facilitated recruitment to violent non-state armed groups, and
motivate attacks against both US military and civilian targets. Further, current US
targeted killing and drone strike practices may set dangerous global legal precedents,
erode the rule of law, and facilitate recourse to lethal force.
A significant rethinking of current policies, in light of all available evidence, the
concerns of various stakeholders, and short and long-term costs and benefits, is long
overdue.
D
RONE STRIKE ACCURACY AND EFFECTIVENESS IN HAMPERING ARMED VIOLENCE
The US government and advocates for US targeted killing policies put much emphasis
on the precision of drone strikes, and their effectiveness in combating terrorism and
making the US safer by hampering the operational capacity of militants. Indeed, as
Peter Bergen and Jennifer Rowland have argued, "CIA drone attacks in Pakistan have
undoubtedly hindered some of the Taliban's operations, killed hundreds of their lowlevel
fighters, and a number of their top commanders."
689 The "terrorizing presence" of
drones overhead has also reportedly disrupted the ability of armed non-state actors to
688
See supra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
689
Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland, Drones Decimating Taliban in Pakistan, CNN (July 4, 2012),
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/03/opinion/bergen-drones-taliban-pakistan/index.html.
126
gather and organize within Waziristan.
690 Documents selectively released by the US
after the raid on bin Laden's Abbottabad compound indicate that bin Laden himself
expressed concern about, and modified operations in response to, drone strikes.
691
However, claims about accuracy and efficacy deserve serious scrutiny.
First, concerns have been raised about the technical accuracy of strikes.
692 More
significantly, however, is the fact that the accuracy of a drone strike fundamentally
hinges on the accuracy of the intelligence on which the targeting is premised. That
intelligence has often been questioned. An anonymous US official cited by Tom Junod in
his August 2012
Esquire article admitted that "[y]ou get information from intelligence
channels and you don't know how reliable it is or who the source was. The intelligence
services have criteria, but most of the time the people making the decision have no idea
what those criteria are."
693
Targeting decisions appear to be based on information obtained from assets and
informants on the ground, signals intelligence, and aerial drone surveillance.
694 As Jane
Mayer notes, "the precise video footage makes it much easier to identify targets. But the
strikes are only as accurate as the intelligence that goes into them."
695 Bob Woodward
690
David Rohde, The Drone War, REUTERS MAG. (Jan. 26, 2012),
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/01/26/us-davos-reutersmagazine-dronewaridUSTRE80P19R20120126;
see also supra
Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
691
See, e.g., Pam Benson, Bin Laden Documents: Fear of Drones, CNN (May 3, 2012),
http://security.blogs.cnn.com/2012/05/03/bin-laden-documents-fear-of-drones/.
692
See infra Chapter 1: Background and Context (noting questions about the technical precision of
drones, including the problem of latency). In particular,
see discussion of lawsuit concerning software
summarized in note 31.
693
Tom Junod, The Lethal Presidency of Barack Obama, ESQUIRE (Aug. 2012), available at
http://www.esquire.com/print-this/obama-lethal-presidency-0812?page=all.
694
See Declan Walsh, Mysterious 'Chip' is CIA's Latest Weapon Against al-Qaida Targets Hiding in
Pakistan's Tribal Belt
, GUARDIAN (May 31, 2009), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/31/ciadrones-
tribesmen-taliban-pakistan;
see also Dashiell Bennett, Pakistani Death Squads Target
Informants Who Help Drone Attacks
, ATLANTIC WIRE (Dec. 29, 2011), available at
http://news.yahoo.com/pakistani-death-squads-target-informants-help-drone-attacks-130952142.html
(discussing how a militant group called the Khorasan Mujahedin is kidnapping, torturing, and killing
those in Pakistan's tribal areas it suspects of helping the US drones).
695
Jane Mayer, The Predator War, NEW YORKER (Oct. 26, 2009), available at
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/10/26/091026fa_fact_mayer;
see also UN Special
Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions,
Study on Targeted Killing, ¶ 81, Human
Rights Council, UN Doc A/HRC/14/24/Add.6 (May 28, 2010) (by Philip Alston),
available at
http://unispal.un.org/pdfs/AHRC1424Add6.pdf ("The precision, accuracy and legality of a drone strike
depend on the human intelligence upon which the targeting decision is based.").
127
explains in
Obama's Wars, "[w]ithout the local informants…there would not be good
signals intelligence so that the drones know where to target."
696
Public information about the US experience in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as in the
context of rendition and the Guantanamo detentions, creates cause for concern about
the reliability of the intelligence that informs lethal targeting decisions. In April 2011,
for example, US forces used a predator drone to fire upon and kill two American soldiers
in Afghanistan who had apparently been mistaken for Taliban fighters.
697 In September
2010, US special forces bombed the convoy of Zabet Amanullah, a candidate in
parliamentary elections, killing him along with nine fellow election workers; US forces
reportedly mistakenly believed Amanullah to be a member of the Taliban.
698 In both
Afghanistan and Iraq, there have been documented cases of opportunistic informants
providing false tips to settle scores, advance sectarian or political agendas, or to obtain
financial reward.
699 For example, in Guantanamo, a reported 86 percent of those
imprisoned were turned over to coalition forces in response to a bounty offered by the
US.
700 Pakistani and Afghan villagers reported the bounty amount was "[e]nough money
to take care of your family, your village, your tribe for the rest of your life."
701 For several
years, the US government regularly referred to Guantanamo detainees as "the worst of
the worst."
702 Classified as "enemy combatants," prisoners remained in US custody for
significant periods of time, often years, and often without being charged. Yet of the 779
696
BOB WOODWARD, OBAMA'S WARS 106-07 (2010).
697
Jim Miklaszewski, 2 US servicemen mistakenly killed by drone attack in Afghanistan, NBC NEWS
(April 11, 2011), http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/42537620/ns/world_newssouth_
and_central_asia/t/us-servicemen-mistakenly-killed-drone-attack-afghanistan/.
698
Kate Clark, AFGHANISTAN ANALYSTS NETWORK, THE TAKHAR ATTACK: TARGETED KILLINGS AND THE
P
ARALLEL WORLDS OF US INTELLIGENCE AND AFGHANISTAN (2011), available at http://aanafghanistan.
com/uploads/20110511KClark_Takhar-attack_final.pdf. US authorities contended that
Muhammad Amin and Zabet Amanullah were the same person.
Id. at 2. According to Clark, this assertion
was demonstrated to be false when Amin was interviewed in Pakistan after the September 2, 2010 strike.
Id.
699
See, e.g., Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Mission to
Afghanistan, ¶¶ 14-18, Human Rights Council, UN Doc. A/HRC/11/2/Add.4 (May 6, 2009) (by Philip
Alston),
available at
http://www.extrajudicialexecutions.org/application/media/Afghanistan%202009%20report.pdf;
Anthony Shadid,
For an Iraqi Family, 'No Other Choice', WASH. POST (Aug. 1, 2003),
http://www.pulitzer.org/archives/6812.
700
Guantánamo by the Numbers [Infographic], AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION (May 4, 2012),
http://www.aclu.org/national-security/guantanamo-numbers.
701
Id.
702
Jeff Stein, Rumsfeld Complained of 'Low Level' GTMO Prisoners, Memo Reveals, WASH. POST (Mar. 3,
2011), http://voices.washingtonpost.com/spy-talk/2011/03/rumsfeld_complained_of_low_lev.html.
128
detainees held at Guantanamo Bay since 2002, 603 have now been released.
703
According to the US government itself, 92% of prisoners in the facility were never Al
Qaeda fighters.
704
What does this mean in the targeted killing context? Human rights lawyer Clive Stafford
Smith of Reprieve articulates the implications:
Just as with Guantanamo Bay, the CIA is paying bounties to those who will
identify "terrorists." Five thousand dollars is an enormous sum for a Waziri
informant, translating to perhaps £250,000 in London terms. The informant has
a calculation to make: is it safer to place a GPS tag on the car of a truly dangerous
terrorist, or to call down death on a Nobody (with the beginnings of a beard),
reporting that he is a militant? Too many "militants" are just young men with
stubble.
705
Tom Junod has similarly argued:
The US invaded Iraq on the pretext of evidence that was fallacious, if not
dishonest. The US detained the "worst of the worst" in Guantánamo for years
before releasing six hundred of them, uncharged, which amounts to the
admission of a terrible mistake. The Lethal Presidency is making decisions to kill
based on intelligence from the same sources. These decisions are final, and no
one will ever be let go. Six hundred men. What if they had never been detained?
What if, under the precepts of the Lethal Presidency, they had simply been
killed?
706
The trend of the US claiming to have targeted or killed the same high-value target
multiple times also serves to undermine assertions about the accuracy of US
intelligence. For example, although proclaimed dead in January 2009
707 and again in
September 2009,
708 Ilyas Kashmiri, the alleged head of Al Qaeda's paramilitary
operations in Pakistan, gave an interview to a Pakistani journalist in October that same
703
The Guantanamo Docket: A History of the Detainee Population, N.Y. TIMES (July 11, 2012),
http://projects.nytimes.com/guantanamo/.
704
Guantánamo by the Numbers, supra note 700.
705
Clive Stafford Smith, We are Sleepwalking into the Drone Age, Unaware of the Consequences,
G
UARDIAN (June 2, 2012), http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/jun/02/drone-age-obamapakistan.
706
Junod, supra note 693.
707
See, e.g., Hasnain Kazim, Relatives of Pakistani Drone Victims to Sue CIA, DER SPIEGEL (Jan. 21,
2011), http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/striking-back-at-the-us-relatives-of-pakistani-dronevictims-
to-sue-cia-a-740638.html.
708
See, e.g., Alex Rodriguez & Zulfiqar Ali, Pakistani Al Qaeda Leader Killed in US Strike, L.A. TIMES
(Sept. 18, 2009), http://articles.latimes.com/2009/sep/18/world/fg-pakistan-drone18.
129
year.
709 Our research team spoke with a survivor of the September 2009 strike in which
Kashmiri was initially reported to have died. That survivor, Sadaullah Wazir, who was
15 years old or younger at the time of the strike, lost both his legs and an eye in the
strike.
710 Kashmiri was again proclaimed dead in June 2011,711 but even this account has
been contested.
712 Similarly, Abu Yahya Al-Libi, declared to be Al Qaeda's #2 or #3, was
thought killed in a December 2009 drone strike,
713 only to be reportedly killed more
than three years later in June 2012.
714 Michael Hastings of Rolling Stone has also traced
the multiple US attempts to strike the TTP's former leader Baitullah Mehsud:
A year earlier, a drone strike killed Baitullah Mehsud, the head of the Pakistani
Taliban, while he was visiting his father-in-law; his wife was vaporized along with
him. But the US had already tried four times to assassinate Mehsud with drones,
killing dozens of civilians in the failed attempts. One of the missed strikes,
according to a human rights group, killed 35 people, including nine civilians, with
reports that flying shrapnel killed an eight-year-old boy while he was sleeping.
Another blown strike, in June 2009, took out 45 civilians, according to credible
press reports.
715
Second, the vast majority of the 'militants' targeted have been low-level insurgents,
killed in circumstances where there is little or no public evidence that they had the
means or access to pose a serious threat to the US. In 2011, a White House evaluative
709
Syed Saleem Shahzad, Al-Qaeda's Guerrilla Chief Lays Out Strategy, ASIA TIMES (Oct. 15, 2009),
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/KJ15Df03.html.
710
Interview with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012). Sadaullah was uncertain of his
exact age; he told our research team that he believed his current age to be between 15 and 17.
Id.
711
Myra MacDonald, Ilyas Kashmiri Reported Killed in Drone Strike in Pakistan, REUTERS (June 4, 2011),
http://blogs.reuters.com/pakistan/2011/06/04/ilyas-kashmiri-reported-killed-in-drone-strike-inpakistan/.
712
Rezaul H. Laskar, Kashmiri Still Alive: Report, HINDUSTAN TIMES (July 16, 2011),
http://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/Pakistan/Kashmiri-still-alive-Report/Article1-
721767.aspx.
713
Sources: Drone Killed Top Qaeda Operative, CBS NEWS (Dec. 12, 2009),
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2009/12/11/world/main5967266.shtml (reporting that al-Libi,
characterized as "al Qaeda's number 3" was mistakenly believed to have been killed in a strike that killed
Saleh al-Somali, "one of a half dozen top Qaeda operatives").
714
White House: Al Qaeda No. 2 Leader is dead, CNN (June 6, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/06/05/world/asia/pakistan-drone-libi/index.html?hpt=hp_t1.
715
Michael Hastings, The Rise of the Killer Drones: How America Goes to War in Secret, ROLLING STONE
(Apr. 26, 2012), http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-rise-of-the-killer-drones-how-americagoes-
to-war-in-secret-20120416?print=true. According to
TBIJ, media reports placed the range of civilian
deaths in the June 23, 2009 strike between 18 and 45.
Obama 2009 Pakistan Strikes, THE BUREAU OF
I
NVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Aug. 10, 2011), http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-
2009-strikes/.
130
report on drone strikes, in fact, found that the CIA was "primarily killing low-level
militants in its drone strikes."
716 Journalist Adam Entous reached a similar conclusion
in a May 2010
Reuters piece: based on conversations with unnamed US officials, he
noted that only 14 top-tier leaders of Al Qaeda, the Taliban, or other militant groups and
two dozen high-to-mid-level leaders had been killed, with the remaining "90 percent by
some measure" of those militant deaths consisting of "lower-level fighters."
717 In
September 2012, Peter Bergen and Megan Braun, reporting New American Foundation
data, stated that since 2004, 49 "militant leaders" had been killed in strikes (accounting
for 2% of all drone killings); the rest were largely "low-level combatants."
718
Strikes that kill low-level fighters are of dubious value to US security interests. This is
particularly true in light of revelations that the US counts all killed adult males as
"combatants," absent exonerating evidence.
719 In other words, claims that drones have
killed hundreds of low-level fighters may well mask the deaths of civilians.
Third, analysts have raised questions about the effectiveness of "decapitation" strategies
(the targeted killing or capture of an organization's high-level leaders and mobilizers in
order to incapacitate the entire group). As RAND analyst Bruce Hoffman observed in
2004, Al Qaeda is a "nimble, flexible and adaptive entity."
720 The frequency with which
the US claims to have killed the number two of the various militant groups operating in
North Waziristan attests to how readily leaders have been replaced. Indeed, former
director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair noted in explaining the ineffectiveness of
drones, "[Al] Qaeda officials who are killed by drones will be replaced. The group's
716
Peter Bergen & Jennifer Rowland, CIA Drone War in Pakistan in Sharp Decline, CNN (Mar. 28, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/03/27/opinion/bergen-drone-decline/index.html.
717
Adam Entous, Drones Kill Low-Level Militants, Few Civilians: US, REUTERS (May 3, 2010),
http://www.reuters.com/article/2010/05/03/us-pakistan-usa-drones-idUSTRE6424WI20100503.
718
Peter Bergen & Megan Braun, Drone is Obama's Weapon of Choice, CNN (Sept. 6, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/09/05/opinion/bergen-obama-drone/index.html.
719
See Jo Becker & Scott Shane, Secret 'Kill List' Proves a Test of Obama's Principles and Will, N.Y. TIMES
(May 29, 2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-alqaeda.
html?pagewanted=all.
720
Bruce Hoffman, The Changing Face of Al Qaeda and the Global War on Terrorism, 27 STUD. IN
C
ONFLICT & TERRORISM 549, 551 (2004); see also Paul Pillar, Still Fighting Bush's GWOT,
C
ONSORTIUMNEWS.COM (June 23, 2012), http://consortiumnews.com/2012/06/23/still-fighting-bushsgwot/.
131
structure will survive and it will still be able to inspire, finance and train individuals and
teams to kill Americans."
721
Fourth, while the drone program may have inhibited militant organizing in certain
areas, it may have also effected a shift in the location of militant organizing activity.
Douglas Lute, Obama's former Special Assistant and Senior Coordinator for Afghanistan
and Pakistan, stated, "I don't think anybody believes that we'll have much more than a
disruption effect on Al Qaeda . . . and its associates."
722 With drone strikes focused on
Waziristan, some Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have moved to other parts of Pakistan,
where they have reportedly continued to operate. Osama bin Laden was found hiding in
Abbottabad; 9/11 architect Khaled Sheikh Muhammad was captured in Rawalpindi;
723
suspected militant Abu Zubaydah was apprehended in Faisalabad;
724 and Mullah Omar
has been widely rumored to be in Karachi.
725
US D
RONE STRIKE POLICIES FOMENT ANTI-AMERICAN SENTIMENT AND MAY AID
R
ECRUITMENT TO ARMED NON-STATE ACTORS
Admiral Mike Mullen has observed,
Each time an errant bomb or a bomb accurately aimed but against the wrong
target kills or hurts civilians, we risk setting out strategy back months, if not
years. Despite the fact that the Taliban kill and maim far more than we do,
civilian casualty incidents such as those we've recently seen in Afghanistan will
721
Dennis C. Blair, Drones Alone Are Not the Answer, N.Y. TIMES (Aug. 14, 2011),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/15/opinion/drones-alone-are-not-the-answer.html.
722
Woodward, supra note 696, at 284.
723
See, e.g., Stephen Kurczy, Top 5 Al Qaeda-linked Militants Pakistan Has Captured, CHRISTIAN SCIENCE
M
ONITOR (MAY 3, 2011), http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-South-Central/2011/0503/Top-5-Al-
Qaeda-linked-militants-Pakistan-has-captured/Khalid-Sheikh-Mohammad; Elaine Shannon & Michael
Weisskopf,
Khalid Sheikh Mohammed Names Names, TIME (Mar. 24, 2003),
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,436061,00.html.
724
White House Hails bin Laden Aide's Capture, CNN (Apr.02, 2002), http://articles.cnn.com/2002-04-
02/world/pakistan.alqaeda_1_key-terrorist-recruiter-qaeda-bin?_s=PM:asiapcf.
725
See, e.g., Taliban Chief Hides in Pakistan, WASH. TIMES (Nov. 20, 2009),
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/nov/20/taliban-chief-takes-cover-in-pakistan-populace/.
132
hurt us more in the long run than any tactical success we may achieve against the
enemy.
726
It is clear from polling and our research team's interviews that drone strikes breed
resentment and discontent toward
the US, and there is evidence to
suggest that the strikes have aided
militant recruitment and motivated
terrorist activity.
US drone strikes are extremely
unpopular in Pakistan. A 2012 poll
by the Pew Research Center's Global
Attitude project found that only 17%
of Pakistanis supported drone
strikes. And remarkably, among
those who professed to know a lot or
a little about drones, 97% considered
drone strikes bad policy.
727 As
numerous analysts have noted, "[i]f
the price of the drone campaign that
increasingly kills only low-level
Taliban is alienating 180 million
Pakistanis–that is too high a price to
pay."
728
726
Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Remarks at the Kansas State University
Landon Lecture Series, Kansas State University (Mar. 3, 2010),
available at
http://www.jcs.mil/speech.aspx?id=1336.
727
Id.
728
Bergen & Braun, supra note 718 (welcoming a reported reduction in US drone strikes in Pakistan since
2010).
More than two dozen US
congressmen penned a letter to
President Obama in June 2012
that described drones as
"faceless ambassadors that
cause civilian deaths, and are
frequently the only direct
contact with Americans that
targeted communities have."
- Bipartisan letter signed by 26 US
Members of Congress to President Obama,
June 12, 2012
133
The Waziris interviewed for this report almost uniformly reported having neutral or in
some instances positive views of the US before the advent of the drone campaign. One
18-year-old, for example, admitted, "[f]rankly speaking, before the drone attacks, I
didn't know anything about a
country called America. I didn't
know where it was or its role in
international affairs."
729 But the
strikes now foster the development
of strongly negative views toward
the US. Another interviewee
explained: "Before the drone
attacks, we didn't know [anything]
about America. Now everybody has
come to understand and know
about America . . . . Almost all
people hate America."
730 Noor
Khan, whose father, Daud Khan, a respected community leader, was killed when a drone
struck the March 17, 2011
jirga over which he presided, remarked that "America on one
hand claims that it wants to bring peace to the world and it wants to bring education.
But look at them, what they are doing?"
731 One man, who has lost relatives in drone
strikes, expressed his deep-seated anger toward the US, declaring that "we won't forget
our blood, for two hundred, two thousand, five thousand years—we will take our
revenge for these drone attacks."
732 A Waziri who lost his younger brother in a strike
stated that there would be revenge: "Blood for blood. . . . All I want to say to them is . . .
why are you killing innocent people like us that have no concern with you?"
733
A teenage victim of a drone strike commented: "America is 15,000 kilometers away from
us; God knows what they want from us. We are not rich . . . . We don't have as much
food as they do. God knows what they want from us."
734 Unable to find any other
explanation for why US strikes have struck innocent people in their community, some
729
Interview with Shahbaz Kabir (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
730
Interview with Umar Ashraf (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar.9, 2012); see also
Interview with Saad Afridi (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("Before drone
attacks, I didn't know America.").
731
Interview with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, and Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.26, 2012).
732
Interview with Uzair Rashid (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
733
Interview with Mehfooz Shaukat (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
734
Interview with Faheem Qureshi, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb.29, 2012).
"When people are out there
picking up body parts after a
drone strike, it would be very
easy to convince those people to
fight against America."
- Noor Behram, Pakistani Photojournalist
134
Waziris believe that the US actively seeks to kill them simply for being Muslims, viewing
the drone campaign as a part of a religious crusade against Islam.
735
Recognizing the danger posed by a campaign that breeds such hostility, more than two
dozen US congressmen penned a letter to President Obama in June 2012 that described
drones as "faceless ambassadors that cause civilian deaths, and are frequently the only
direct contact with Americans that targeted communities have."
736
Many of the journalists, NGO and humanitarian workers, medical professionals, and
Pakistani governmental officials with whom we spoke expressed their belief that, on
balance, drone strikes likely increase terrorism. Syed Akhunzada Chittan, for example, a
parliamentarian from North Waziristan, expressed his conviction that "for every
militant killed," many more are born.
737 In another interview, a Pakistani professional
told us that a professional school classmate had joined the Taliban after a drone strike
killed a friend of his.
738 Noor Behram is a Waziri-based journalist who has spent years
photographing and interviewing victims of drone strikes. Having personally witnessed
the immediate aftermath of numerous strikes, he relates: "When people are out there
picking up body parts after a drone strike, it would be very easy to convince those people
to fight against America."
739
Numerous policy analysts, officials, and independent observers have come to similar
conclusions. David Kilcullen, a former advisor to US General David Petraeus, has stated
735
Interview with Waleed Shiraz (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012). Shiraz, a
political science graduate who became disabled due to a drone attack, described what he believes
motivated the US: "It is proven that America is working against Muslims, because every country it has
waged a war against . . . is a Muslim nation."
Id. Fayaz Habib, a Waziri who lost his father in the March
17
th jirga strike, told us: "It just seems that America wants to target the people of Wazirstan . . . not just
the people of Wazirstan . . . but also in Pakistan and Iraq. They just want to target Muslims." Interview
with Khalil Khan, Noor Khan, and Imran Khan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012);
see also Interview
with Marwan Aleem (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("The
kalima shehada
[the Islamic declaration of belief in the oneness of Allah]. . . is the reason that innocent people are being
victimized. Because we are all Muslims, we are being victimized."); Interview with Sameer Rahman
(anonymized name) and Mahmood Muhammad (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29,
2012).
736
Letter from Dennis Kucinich et al. to President of the US Barack Obama (June 12, 2012), available at
http://kucinich.house.gov/uploadedfiles/combat_drones_061212.pdf
; see also Jeremy Herb, Lawmakers
Want Legal Justification for Drone Strikes
, HILL (June 13, 2012), http://thehill.com/blogs/defconhill/
operations/232523-lawmakers-want-legal-justification-for-drone-strikes.
737
Interview with Syed Akhunzada Chittan, Pakistani Parliamentarian, in Islamabad, Pakistan (May 14,
2012).
738
Interview with Zafar Husam (anonymized name), in Pakistan (May 12, 2012).
739
The Rachel Maddow Show (MSNBC television broadcast Jun. 29, 2012).
135
that, "every one of these dead noncombatants represents an alienated family, a new
desire for revenge, and more recruits for a militant movement that has grown
exponentially even as drone strikes have increased."
740 Der Spiegel has also reported
that in Pakistan "militants profit in a gruesome way from the drone missions. After each
attack in which innocent civilians die, they win over some of the relatives as
supporters—with a few even volunteering for suicide attacks."
741 As a May 2012 New
York Times
article succinctly put it, "[d]rones have replaced Guantánamo as the
recruiting tool of choice for militants."
742 Pakistani Ambassador to the US Sherry
Rehman told CNN's Christiane Amanpour in a recent interview that the drone program
"radicalizes foot soldiers, tribes, and entire villages in our region," and that "[w]e
honestly feel that there are better ways now of eliminating Al Qaeda."
743 It is also
important to note that similar counter-productive effects have been noted in Yemen.
744
740
David Kilcullen & Andrew McDonald Exum, Death From Above, Outrage Down Below, N.Y. TIMES
(May 16, 2009), http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/17/opinion/17exum.html?pagewanted=all.
741
Kazim, supra note 707.
742
Becker & Shane, supra note 719.
743
Huma Imtiaz, Drone Program is Counterproductive for Pakistan's Goals: Rehman, EXPRESS TRIBUNE
(July 10, 2012), http://tribune.com.pk/story/406195/concerns-over-drone-strikes-cannot-be-brushedaside-
sherry-rehman/.
744
Ibrahim Mothana, How Drones Help Al Qaeda, N.Y. TIMES (June 13, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/14/opinion/how-drones-help-al-qaeda.html ("Drones are causing
more and more Yemenis to hate America and join radical militants; they are not driven by ideology but
rather by a sense of revenge and despair . . . . [R]ather than winning the hearts and minds of Yemeni
civilians, America is alienating them by killing their relatives and friends. Indeed, the drone program is
leading to the Talibanization of vast tribal areas and the radicalization of people who could otherwise be
America's allies in the fight against terrorism in Yemen.");
see also Sudarsan Raghavan, In Yemen, US
Airstrikes Breed Anger, and Sympathy for al-Qaeda
, WASH. POST (May 30, 2012),
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/in-yemen-us-airstrikes-breed-anger-andsympathy-
for-al-qaeda/2012/05/29/gJQAUmKI0U_story.html (noting also that "hundreds of tribesmen
have joined AQAP in the fight against the US-backed Yemeni government" and that strikes are "angering
powerful tribes that could prevent AQAP from gaining strength"); Jeremy Scahill,
Washington's War in
Yemen Backfires
, NATION (Feb. 14, 2012), http://www.thenation.com/article/166265/washingtons-waryemen-
backfires# ("The US bombs and the Yemeni military shelling of Zinjibar have increased support
for Ansar al Sharia, allowing it to fulfill its claim that it is a defender of the people in the face of an
onslaught backed by America."); Michelle Shephard,
Drone Death in Yemen of an American Teenager,
T
ORONTO STAR (Apr. 14, 2012), http://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/1161432--drone-death-inyemen-
of-an-american-teenager (attributing to Yemeni analysis Abdul Ghani al-Iryani the conclusion that
the emergence of Ansar al Sharia resulted from "what they saw as American aggression"). For similar
effects in other contexts,
see generally David Jaeger, Esteban Klor, Sami Miaari & M. Daniele Paserman,
The Struggle for Palestinian Hearts and Minds: Violence and Public Opinion in the Second Intifada
(Nat'l Bureau of Econ. Research, Working Paper No. 13956, 2008),
available at
http://www.nber.org/papers/w13956.pdf, as well as S
ETH G. JONES & MARTIN C. LIBICKI, RAND CORP.,
H
OW TERRORIST GROUPS END: LESSONS FOR COUNTERING AL QA'IDA (2008), available at
http://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/2008/RAND_MG741-1.pdf, which posits that the "use of
136
While quantitative data is limited, one study, in June 2012 by the Middle East Policy
Council, identified a correlation between drone strikes and terrorist attacks in the years
2004-2009. That study found it "probable that drone strikes provide motivation for
retaliation, and that there is a substantive relationship between the increasing number
of drone strikes and the increasing number of retaliation attacks."
745 A July 2010 study
by the New America Foundation revealed that almost six in ten residents of the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) now believe that suicide attacks are often
or sometimes justified against the US military,
746 although a July 2012 journalistic
assessment by Bergen and Rowland suggests that drone strikes may have contributed to
reduced suicide attacks in Pakistan in 2010-2011.
747
Indeed, US drone strikes have been explicitly referred to as a motive for a number of
specific planned or implemented terrorist attacks. For instance, a suicide bomber who
targeted a CIA compound in Khost, Afghanistan identified drones as his motivation,
announcing that "[t]his [suicide] attack will be the first of the revenge operations against
the Americans and their drone teams outside the Pakistani borders."
748 Faisal Shahzad,
who allegedly attempted to detonate a car bomb in Times Square, viewed his planned
attack as retaliation for several US policies, including drone strikes.
749 In addition,
Najibullah Zazi, an Afghan who allegedly plotted to attack New York's subway system
substantial US military power against terrorist groups also runs a significant risk of turning the local
population against the government by killing civilians," and, in evaluating quantitative historical data
from 1968—2006 finds that "[a]gainst most terrorist groups . . . military force is usually too blunt an
instrument."
Id. at xiv.
745
Leila Hudson, Colin S. Owens & Matt Flannes, Drone Warfare: Blowback from the New American
Way of War
, MIDDLE E. POL'Y COUNCIL, 122, 126 (June 15, 2012), available at
http://www.mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/drone-warfare-blowback-new-american-waywar;
see also
David A. Jaeger & Zahra Siddique, Are Drone Strikes Effective in Afghanistan and
Pakistan? On the Dynamics of Violence between the United States and the Taliban
2 (Institute for the
Study of Labor, Discussion Paper No. 6262, 2011),
available at http://ftp.iza.org/dp6262.pdf (finding a
strong, but balanced effect between vengeance attacks and deterrent effect, noting "a positive vengeance
effect in the first week following a drone strike [in Pakistan and] a negative deterrent/incapacitation effect
in the second week following a drone strike, when we examine the likelihood of a terrorist attack by the
Taliban.").
746
NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION, SENTIMENT SURVEY QUESTIONS: DRONE STRIKES,
http://pakistansurvey.org/question/drone-strikes (last visited Sept. 9, 2012).
747
Bergen & Rowland, supra note 689 (citing reduced numbers of suicide bombings in 2010 and 2011 and
suggesting that "strikes may have contributed to a relative decrease in violence across Pakistan").
748
Megan Chuchmach, Nick Schifrin, & Luis Martinez, Martyrdom Video from CIA Base Bomber Links
Deadly Attack to Pakistani Taliban
, ABC NEWS (Jan. 9, 2010), http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/cia-basebomber-
martyrdom-video-taped-deadly-afghanistan/story?id=9521756#.T-Y-G7VfGuk.
749
Chris Dolmetsch, Times Square Bomber Vows Revenge in Al-Arabiya Video, WASH. POST (July 14,
2010), http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/14/AR2010071404860.html.
137
was "in part, motivated by drone strikes in [his] ancestral homeland[]."
750 Similarly, a
group responsible for the bombing of a Pakistani police academy in early 2009 cited the
collaboration of Pakistani authorities with the US drone campaign.
751 It is also clear that
some US officials themselves consider that drone strikes may influence the likelihood of
terrorist activity in the US. A June 2012 deposition suggests, at least, that the New York
City Police Department has monitored conversations involving individuals from
"countries of concern"
752 following and about drone strikes,753 to "find those people that
were radicalized towards violence."
754
Those we interviewed in Pakistan emphasized their belief that enmity toward the US
stems largely from particular US rights-violating post-9/11 policies, and could be
reversed if the US changed course. Many expressed hope for reconciliation with the US,
for good relations with the American people, and aspirations for a peaceful future. A
victim of the March 17, 2011
jirga strike, for example, stated: "We don't have any
revenge or anything else to take from America if they stop the drone attacks."
755 Many
interviewees repeatedly implored our research team to ask the US government to stop or
fundamentally change drone strike policies,
756 and instead assist their communities
through, for example, investments in health and education infrastructure.
757
750
DANIEL KLAIDMAN, KILL OR CAPTURE: THE WAR ON TERROR AND THE SOUL OF THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY 119
(2012).
751
Lahore 'was Pakistan Taleban Op', BBC NEWS (Mar. 31, 2009),
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7973540.stm.
752
Deposition of Thomas Galati, Commanding Officer of the New York City Police Department
Intelligence Division 24-27, 36-37 Handschu v. Special Services Division (S.D.N.Y. 2012),
available at
http://bit.ly/Sgw0fr.
753
Id. at 37.
754
Id. at 27.
755
Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012). Of course, as we observed earlier,
some experiential victims do harbor animosity toward the US.
756
See, e.g., Interview with Ahmed Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("This is why we have
come on this march to send this message across to the US to stop targeting us."); Interview with Umar
Ashraf (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 9, 2012) ("The first thing we want is for drones
to stop."); Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012)("I
would like to ask that the drone strikes stop. We are sick of them."); Interview with Marwan Aleem
(anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("Please stop these attacks."). It should be
noted that we spoke with some Pakistanis who, primarily due to their contempt of Taliban militants,
supported drone strikes. As one Pakistani official who requested anonymity told our research team,
"[s]ome people in South Waziristan who have suffered most at [the] hands of Taliban support drone
strikes." Interview with Pakistani official, in Peshawar, Pakistan (May 8, 2012).
757
See, e.g., Interview with Waleed Shiraz (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) (in
light of effect of drones on his education, appealing for aid or grant to continue his studies); Interview
138
D
RONES UNDERMINE US CREDIBILITY IN PAKISTAN AND THROUGHOUT THE
R
EGION
Despite the vast foreign aid the US has invested in Pakistan, a 2012 poll by the Pew
Research Center's Global
Attitude project found that
74% of Pakistanis consider
the US an enemy, up from
64% three years ago.
758
Only 45% of Pakistanis felt
it important to improve
relations with the US,
down from 60% the
previous year, and fewer support cooperation or even receiving aid from the US.
759
The growing unpopularity of the US in Pakistan weakens the countries' bilateral
relationship, makes it more difficult for Pakistani political leaders to work
collaboratively with the US, and risks undermining Pakistani democracy and
development. The deterioration of the Pakistani-US bilateral relationship may also place
US security at risk.
Dennis Blair, former Director of National Intelligence, described how unilateral
American drone attacks in Pakistan are eroding US "influence and damaging our ability
to work with Pakistan to achieve other important security objectives like eliminating
Taliban sanctuaries, encouraging Indian-Pakistani dialogue, and making Pakistan's
nuclear arsenal more secure."
760 Cameron Munter, who announced his early resignation
as US Ambassador to Pakistan in May 2012,
761 reportedly revealed to colleagues that he
with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name), in Islambad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012) ("I think the government
or international agencies should give proper facilities like education, health, electricity so that our people
can also get educations and go to universities and change the thinking and [their] mindset.").
758
PEW RESEARCH CENTER, PAKISTANI PUBLIC OPINION EVER MORE CRITICAL OF US: 74% CALL AMERICA AN
E
NEMY (2012), available at http://www.pewglobal.org/files/2012/06/Pew-Global-Attitudes-Project-
Pakistan-Report-FINAL-Wednesday-June-27-2012.pdf.
759
Id.
760
Blair, supra note 721.
761
Rob Crilly, US Ambassador to Pakistan Steps Down Early, TELEGRAPH (May 8, 2012),
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/pakistan/9252189/US-ambassador-to-Pakistansteps-
down-early.html.
74% of Pakistanis consider the US an
enemy, up from 64% three years ago.
- Pew Research Center Global Attitude Survey 2012
139
"didn't realize his main job was to kill people."
762 In previous interviews, he criticized
the US use of drones, arguing that the attacks need to be more "judicious."
763 Although
Secretary of State Hilary Clinton strongly supports drone strikes, she reportedly also has
"complained to colleagues about the drones-only approach at Situation Room
meetings."
764 The New York Times reported in May 2012, "some officials felt the
urgency of counterterrorism strikes was crowding out consideration of a broader
strategy against radicalization."
765
The focus on drones also risks undermining Pakistan's development by incentivizing
undemocratic decision-making and fostering instability. In 2009, Anne Patterson, US
Ambassador to Pakistan, discussed the risks of the US drone strategy in a cable sent to
the Department of State. She noted, "Increased unilateral operations in these areas risk
destabilizing the Pakistani state, alienating both the civilian government and military
leadership, and provoking a broader governance crisis within Pakistan without finally
achieving the goal [of eliminating the Al Qaeda and Taliban leadership]."
766 Pakistan
High Commissioner to the United Kingdom Wajid Shamsul Hasan told
The Bureau of
Investigative Journalism
(TBIJ):
What has been the whole outcome of these drone attacks is, that you have rather
directly or indirectly contributed to destabilizing or undermining the democratic
government. Because people really make fun of the democratic government–
when you pass a resolution against drone attacks in the parliament, and nothing
happens. The Americans don't listen to you, and they continue to violate your
territory.
767
The US strikes have also contributed to the delegitimization of NGOs that are perceived
as Western, or that receive US aid, including those providing much-needed services,
762
Becker & Shane, supra note 719.
763
Adam Entous, Siobhan Gorman, & Matthew Rosenberg, Drone Attacks Split US Officials, WALL ST. J.
(June 4, 2011), http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304563104576363812217915914.html.
764
Becker & Shane, supra note 719.
765
Id.
766
Cable from US Embassy in Islamabad to State Department (Sept. 23, 2009) (Wikileaks extract
224303),
reprinted in US Embassy Cables: 'Reviewing Our Afghanistan-Pakistan Strategy,
G
UARDIAN (Nov. 30, 2010), http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/226531.
767
Chris Woods, 'US Drone Strikes Undermine Pakistani Democracy' Says Top Diplomat, THE BUREAU
OF
INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Aug. 3, 2012), http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/08/03/usdrone-
strikes-undermine-pakistani-democracy-says-top-diplomat/.
140
such as access to water and education, and those administering the polio vaccine; this
perception has been exploited by Taliban forces.
768
The significant global opposition to drone strikes also erodes US credibility in the
international community. In 17 of the 20 countries polled by the Pew Global Attitudes
Project, the majority of those surveyed disapproved of US drone attacks in countries like
Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen.
769 Widespread opposition spans the globe, from
traditional European allies such as France (63% disapproval) and Germany (59%
disapproval) to key Middle East states such as Egypt (89% disapproval) and Turkey
(81% disapproval).
770 As with other unpopular American foreign policy engagements,
including the invasion of Iraq and the practice of torture at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere,
drone strikes weaken the standing of the US in the world, straining its relationships with
allies, and making it more difficult for it to build multilateral alliances to tackle pressing
global challenges.
US T
ARGETED KILLING AND DRONE STRIKE PRACTICES MAY ESTABLISH
D
ANGEROUS PRECEDENTS AND UNDERMINE THE RULE OF LAW AND US
D
EMOCRACY
The practices employed, and legal frameworks articulated, by the US today may set
dangerous precedents for future engagements, including for other countries and armed
non-state actors. We are in the midst of a significant period of drone proliferation,
pushed forward on the one hand by governments and militaries, and on the other, by
manufacturers seeking to expand markets and profit. Unchecked armed drone
proliferation poses a threat to global stability, and, as more countries and non-state
actors obtain access to the technology, the risk of US-style practices of cross-border
targeted killing spreading are clear.
768
See, e.g., Musthaq Yusufzai, Taliban Bans Pakistan Polio Vaccinations Over Drone Strikes, MSNBC
(June 18, 2012), http://worldnews.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/06/18/12283097-taliban-banspakistan-
polio-vaccinations-over-drone-strikes?lite ("A Taliban commander in Pakistan's tribal belt has
banned a vaccination campaign against child polio in protest over frequent US drone attacks there.").
769
PEW RESEARCH CENTER, GLOBAL OPINION OF OBAMA SLIPS, INTERNATIONAL POLICIES FAULTED: DRONE
S
TRIKES WIDELY OPPOSED (2012), available at http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/06/13/global-opinion-ofobama-
slips-international-policies-faulted/. The only exceptions were the United Kingdom, in which only
a plurality, rather than a majority, opposed strikes (47 to 44% disapproval), and India and the US, in
which there was greater support for drones than opposition (32 to 21% approval in India and 62 to 28%
approval in the US).
Id.
770
Id.
141
According to the US Government Accountability Office (GAO), "at least 76 countries"
have acquired UAVs,
771 including China, Pakistan, Russia, and India.772 China alone has
25 types of systems currently in development;
773 Iran, whose arsenal includes the
"Ambassador of Death,"
774 is developing a drone with a range of more than 600 miles.775
Recently, in an unconfirmed
report, it was alleged that Israel
used a drone to strike and kill in
the territory of Egypt.
776
Reportedly, Iran has supplied the
Assad regime with drones, which it
has apparently already employed to
conduct surveillance on the
opposition.
777 Non-state
organizations like Hezbollah have
also entered the fray, reportedly
deploying an Iranian-designed drone;
778 the Free Syria Army also reportedly recently
built a small armed drone.
779 The GAO recently warned that "[t]he United States likely
771
US GOV'T ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, GAO-12-536, AGENCIES COULD IMPROVE INFORMATION SHARING AND
E
ND-USE MONITORING ON UNMANNED AERIAL VEHICLE EXPORTS 9 (2012); see also Micah Zenko, 10 Things
You Didn't Know About Drones
, FOREIGN POL'Y (Mar./Apr. 2012), available at
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/02/27/10_things_you_didnt_know_about_drones?page=
0,3 (placing the figure at 44-70 countries).
772
US GOV'T ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, supra note 771, at 10; see also David Cortright, The Scary Prospect
of Global Drone Warfare
, CNN (Oct. 19. 2011), http://www.cnn.com/2011/10/19/opinion/cortrightdrones/
index.html.
773
Zenko, supra note 771.
774
Id.
775
Cortright, supra note 772.
776
Mohamed Fadel Fahmy, Bedouin Man Dies in Apparent Rocket Strike on Israeli-Egyptian Border,
CNN (Aug. 27, 2012), http://edition.cnn.com/2012/08/26/world/meast/egypt-bedouin-killed/ ("An
Egyptian intelligence source confirmed the incident, saying, 'The conclusion after the investigation is that
a drone from across the border had fired a rocket and killed the Bedouin.'").
777
Iranian Weapons Help Bashar Assad Put Down Syria Protests, Officials Say, REUTERS (Mar. 24,
2012),
available at http://worldnews.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/03/24/10842227-iranian-weaponshelp-
bashar-assad-put-down-syria-protests-officials-say?lite.
778
Cortright, supra note 772.
779
David Cenciotti, Exposed: First Syrian Rebels DIY Unmanned Aerial Vehicle, AVIATIONIST (Aug. 31,
2012), http://theaviationist.com/2012/08/31/fsa-drone/.
"[A]t least 76 countries" . . . have
acquired UAVs, including
China, Pakistan, Russia, and
India.
- US Governemnt Accountability Office
142
faces increasing risks as additional countries of concern and terrorist organizations
acquire UAV technology."
780 As Peter Singer of the Brookings Institution has observed:
I think of where the airplane was at the start of World War I: at first it was
unarmed and limited to a handful of countries….Then it was armed and
everywhere. That is the path we're on.
781
Drone manufacturers are heavily pushing their products internationally and into new
markets,
782 and global spending on drones is expected to total more than $94 billion
over the next decade.
783 Indeed, there "is not a single new manned combat aircraft
under research and development at any major Western aerospace company, and the Air
Force is training more operators of unmanned aerial systems than fighter and bomber
pilots combined."
784
US manufacturers' exports of drones have been limited to date because of export
controls; however, significant pressure has been brought to bear on Congress,
particularly by drone manufacturers, to loosen the export regime.
785 In September 2012,
it was reported that the Pentagon had given approval for drone exports to 66
780
US GOV'T ACCOUNTABILITY OFFICE, supra note 771, at 17.
781
Scott Shane, Coming Soon: The Drones Arms Race, N.Y. TIMES (Oct. 8, 2011),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/09/sunday-review/coming-soon-the-drone-armsrace.
html?pagewanted=all.
782
Drones have also rapidly been proliferating into US domestic airspace, in significant part due to the
efforts of drone manufacturers.
See, e.g., Ana Campoy, The Law's New Eye in the Sky, WALL ST. J. (Dec.
13, 2011), http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204319004577088891361782010.html.
While they have thus far been used exclusively for surveillance, the prospect of armed drone usage by
domestic law enforcement and commercial clients should not be overlooked.
See, e.g., Conor
Friedersdorf, Congress Should Ban Armed Drones Before Cops in Texas Deploy One, A
TLANTIC (May 24,
2012), http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/05/congress-should-ban-armed-dronesbefore-
cops-in-texas-deploy-one/257616/; Jason Gilbert,
ShockerDrone: Hackers Attach Shocking
Material to Drone Helicopter, Chase People, Stun Them
, HUFFINGTON POST (Aug. 30, 2012),
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/08/30/shockerdrone-hackers-attach-stun-gun-dronehelicopter_
n_1843999.html.
783
Shane, supra note 781.
784
Peter W. Singer, Do Drones Undermine Democracy?, N.Y. TIMES (Jan. 21, 2012),
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/22/opinion/sunday/do-drones-underminedemocracy.
html?pagewanted=all.
785
See W.J. Hennigan, Drone Makers Urge US to Let Them Sell More Overseas, L.A. TIMES (July 1, 2012),
http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jul/01/business/la-fi-drone-foreign-sales-20120701; Andrea Stone,
Drone Lobbying Ramps Up Among Industry Manufacturers, Developers
, HUFFINGTON POST (May 25,
2012), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/05/28/drone-lobbying-companies_n_1546263.html.
143
countries.
786 Representative Howard Berman (D- Los Angeles), ranking Democrat on
the House Foreign Affairs Committee, recently announced that his committee would
soon review drone sales, declaring that "it's crazy for us to shut off sales in this area
while other countries push ahead."
787 The Wall Street Journal reported in July 2012
that the US plans to provide Kenya with eight hand-launched Raven drones, which,
while currently unarmed, have sensors for pinpointing targets.
788 The drones are part of
a military assistance package aimed at helping African partners combat Al Qaeda and al
Shabaab 'militants' in Somalia.
789
Executive Director of the Arms Control Association Daryl Kimball describes how "[t]he
proliferation of this technology will mark a major shift in the way wars are waged,"
warning that "[w]e need to be very careful about who gets this technology. It could come
back to hurt us."
790 John Brennan himself acknowledged that the US is "establishing
precedent that other nations may follow."
791
The ways in which the US has used drones in the context of its targeted killing policies
has facilitated an undermining of the constraints of democratic accountability, and
rendered resort to lethal force easier and more attractive to policymakers. The decision
to use military force must be subject to rigorous checks-and-balances; drones, however,
have facilitated the use of killing as a convenient option that avoids the potential
political fallout from US casualties and the challenges posed by detention. Senator
Saxby Chambliss of Georgia, the top Republican on the Senate Intelligence Committee,
stated: "[The Obama administration's] policy is to take out high-value targets, versus
capturing high-value targets. They are not going to advertise that, but that's what they
are doing."
792
786
Doug Palmer & Jim Wolf, Pentagon Lists 66 Countries as Eligible to Buy US Drones, REUTERS (Sept.
5, 2012), http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/06/us-aircraft-usa-northrop-grummanidUSBRE88500B20120906;
Kevin Spak,
Pentagon OKs Drone Sales to 66, NEWSER (Sept. 6, 2012),
http://www.newser.com/story/153566/pentagon-oks-drone-sales-to-66-nations.html.
787
Hennigan, supra note 785.
788
Adam Entous, US to Provide Kenya with Drones to Fight Militants, WALL ST. J. (July 20, 2012),
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390444097904577539362229840378.html.
789
Id.
790
Hennigan, supra note 785.
791
John O. Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Terrorism, The Ethics and
Efficacy of the President's Counterterrorism Strategy, Address at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars (Apr. 30, 2012).
792
Becker & Shane, supra note 719. Obama's aides deny such a policy, arguing instead that capture is
impossible in remote parts of Pakistan and Yemen.
Id.
144
While drone warfare represents but the newest chapter in ever-increasing military
technological sophistication, "the distance between killer and killed, the asymmetry, the
prospect of automation and, most of all, the minimization of pilot risk and political risk"
render current practices particularly problematic.
793 As the technology develops, and as
drones become increasingly autonomous, these concerns will likely continue to
magnify.
794
A combat veteran of Iraq explained why drones may alter the calculus of warfare:
"[t]here's something important about putting your own sons and daughters at risk when
you choose to wage war as a nation. We risk losing that flesh-and-blood investment if we
go too far down this road."
795 A 2011 British Defense Ministry study of drones raises
these challenging questions:
If we remove the risk of loss from the decision-makers' calculations when
considering crisis management options, do we make the use of armed force more
attractive? Will decision-makers resort to war as a policy option far sooner than
previously?
796
Peter Singer insightfully describes how these questions also affect democratic
accountability: "when politicians can avoid the political consequences of the condolence
letter—and the impact the military casualties have on voters and on the news media—
they no longer treat the previously weighty matters of war and peace the same way….
[drones are] short-circuiting the decision-making process for what used to be the most
important choice a democracy could make."
797 Michael Hastings of Rolling Stone
concludes that the "immediacy and secrecy of drones makes it easier than ever for
leaders to unleash America's military might–and harder than ever to evaluate the
consequences of such clandestine attacks."
798 In 1848, President Abraham Lincoln
warned about the peril of granting such unrestrained power to the executive:
793
Id.
794
UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions, Interim Report of the
Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions
, General Assembly, UN Doc
A/65/321 (Aug. 23, 2010) (by Philip Alston) (examining legal and ethical concerns around increasing
autonomy),
available at http://daccess-ddsny.
un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N10/492/39/PDF/N1049239.pdf?OpenElement.
795
Mayer, supra note 695.
796
John Sifton, A Brief History of Drones, NATION (Feb. 7, 2012),
http://www.thenation.com/article/166124/brief-history-drones#.
797
Singer, supra note 784.
798
Hastings, supra note 715.
145
Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation, whenever he shall deem it
necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so, whenever he may
choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose and you allow him to make
war at pleasure.
799
With policymakers making critical decisions about US policy outside the public's view,
and an utter lack of any real transparency and accountability,
800 the rule of law is
undermined and a democratic deficit created. The US government has refused to
explain adequately the legal basis for the strikes, as we discuss above in Chapter 4. In
calling for more transparency regarding the legal basis for the program, former CIA
director Michael V. Hayden stated: "democracies do not make war on the basis of legal
memos locked in a D.O.J. safe."
801
The opaque position of the US government on civilian casualties is also emblematic of
an accountability and democratic vacuum. Appendix C compares statements of US
officials on drones since January 2011 with strike data as reported by
TBIJ. The results
reveal a pattern of dishonesty in public statements about drones.
802 For example, in
June 2011, Deputy National Security Advisor John Brennan asserted that "there hasn't
been a single collateral death because of the exceptional proficiency, precision of the
capabilities we've been able to develop."
803 By this time, TBIJ had reported that at least
458 civilians had been killed
, including 31-42 in the March 17 strike (documented earlier
in this report) that had taken place less than three months prior.
804 While Brennan
subsequently clarified that he only meant to suggest that the US had yet to find credible
evidence of civilian casualties,
805 even this statement was later directly contradicted: in
May 2012, it was reported that President Obama "got word" that the first strike he
authorized on January 23, 2009 "had killed a number of innocent Pakistanis" on the
very same day.
806
799
Glenn Greenwald, Excuses for Assassination Secrecy, SALON (July 12, 2012),
http://www.salon.com/2012/07/12/excuses_for_assassination_secrecy/.
800
See Legal Analysis, supra Chapter 4: Legal Analysis.
801
Becker & Shane, supra note 719.
802
See also Justin Elliott, Obama Administration's Drone Death Figures Don't Add Up, PROPUBLICA
(J
UNE 18, 2012), http://www.propublica.org/article/obama-drone-death-figures-dont-add-up.
803
See Obama Administration Counterterrorism Strategy (C-Span television broadcast June 29, 2011),
http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/AdministrationCo.
804
See supra Chapter 3: Living Under Drones.
805
See Scott Shane, C.I.A. Is Disputed on Civilian Toll in Drone Strikes, N.Y. TIMES (Aug. 11, 2011),
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12drones.html?pagewanted=all.
806
Becker & Shane, supra note 719.
146
In light of these concerns, author, political commentator, and former constitutional
lawyer Glenn Greenwald pointedly asks, "[i]f you believe the President should have the
power to order people, including US citizens, executed with no due process and not even
any checks or transparency, what power do you believe he shouldn't have?"
807
807
Greenwald, supra note 799; see also Conor Friedersdorf, Obama's Execution of the Drone War Should
Terrify Even Drone Defenders
, ATLANTIC (July 12, 2012),
http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/07/obamas-execution-of-the-drone-war-shouldterrify-
even-drone-defenders/259704/ ("Is it imprudent to give this president and all future presidents
the unchecked power to kill in secret? Or does human nature and the framework of checks and balances
devised by America's founders suggest that multiple layers of oversight is the wiser course?").
147
A
PPENDIX A: TESTIMONY
The following provides excerpts from the testimony of individuals who told our research
team that they had survived or witnessed drone strikes, or lost family members in
strikes.
Sadaullah Wazir, teenager, former student from the village of Machi Khel
in Mir Ali, North Waziristan, was severely injured in a September 2009
drone strike on his grandfather's home.
808 Sadaullah has filed a complaint
before the UN Human Rights Council.
809
"Before the drone strikes started, my life was very good. I used to go to school and I used
to be quite busy with that, but after the drone strikes, I stopped going to school now. I
was happy because I thought I would become a doctor." Sadaullah recalled, "Two
missiles [were] fired at our
hujra and three people died. My cousin and I were injured.
We didn't hear the missile at all and then it was there." He further explained, "[The last
thing I remembered was that] we had just broken our fast where we had eaten and just
prayed. . . .We were having tea and just eating a bit and then there were missiles. . . .
When I gained consciousness, there was a bandage on my eye. I didn't know what had
happened to my eye and I could only see from one." Sadaullah lost both of his legs and
one of his eyes in the attack. He informed us, "Before [the strike], my life was normal
and very good because I could go anywhere and do anything. But now I am not able to
do that because I have to stay inside. . . . Sometimes I have really bad headaches. . . .
[and] if I walk too much [on my prosthetic legs], my legs hurt a lot. [Drones have]
drastically affected life [in our area]."
808
Interview with Sadaullah Wazir, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
809
Reprieve, Complaint Against the United States of America for the Killing of Innocent Citizens of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the United Nations Human Rights Council
,
http://reprieve.org.uk/media/downloads/2012_02_22_PUB_drones_UN_HRC_complaint.pdf?utm_so
urce=Press+mailing+list&utm_campaign=89f3db0a75-
2012_02_23_drones_UN_complaint&utm_medium=email.
148
Waleed Shiraz, 22, was pursuing a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and
taking various foreign language courses before he became disabled.
810
"My father was asleep in the
hujra as usual after a normal day, and I was studying
nearby. . . . I had liked studying in the
hujra, because it is peaceful and quiet. There was
nothing different about our routine in the prior week." Waleed recounted the
subsequent sequence of events. "[When we got hit], [m]y father's body was scattered in
pieces and he died immediately, but I was unconscious for three to four days. . . . [Since
then], I am disabled. My legs have become so weak and skinny that I am not able to walk
anymore. . . . It has also affected my back. I used to like playing cricket, but I cannot do
it anymore because I cannot run."
"I have two younger brothers, who are both unemployed, and I don't have a father and I
am disabled. I have been completely ruined. . . . [My brothers] can't go to school,
because I can't afford to support them, buying their books, and paying their fees. They
are home most of the day and they are very conscious of the fact that drones are
hovering over them. [The presence of drones] intimidates them."
"If the drones had not become routine and my father had not died and I hadn't lost my
leg, today I would have completed my MA in Political Science." Waleed explained, "I
can't dream of going back to college."
Dawood Ishaq is a father of four young children who works as a vegetable
merchant in North Waziristan.
811
"I was going to [a] chromite mine for work. On the way, as the car was going there, a
drone targeted the car. . . . All I remember is a blast, and that I saw a bit of fire in the car
before I lost consciousness. The people in the back completely burned up, and the car
caught fire." Dawood was taken to several locations for treatment, before he awoke in
Peshawar. "[The] driver and I lost our legs . . ."
810
Interview with Waleed Shiraz (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
811
Interview with Dawood Ishaq (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Mar. 8, 2012).
149
Adil Hashmi's house was destroyed in a drone strike.
812
"A drone struck my home. . . .[At that time] there was nobody in my home [so] no one
[was] killed. . . . I went back to see the home, but there was nothing to do. I just saw my
home wrecked and came back. I was extremely sad, because normally a house costs
around ten
lakh, or 1,000,000 rupees [approximately $10,600], and I don't even have
5,000 rupees [approximately $53] now. I spent my whole life in that house. My father
had lived there as well."
"[I now have to rent a house.] There is a big difference between having your own home
and living on rent or mortgage. I enjoyed a lot of freedom and a lot of flexibility before. I
have five sons and they all live with me in the house in Miranshah now. . . ."
Tahir Afzal's brother died in a drone strike.
813
"It was in the afternoon around two o'clock and he was on his way to work. They were in
a car. A drone struck and four people died in it, including children who were walking on
the road. . . . There were lots of drones wandering over that day. They were wandering
all over, and as the car passed by, it was targeted." Tahir told our team, "He was my
older brother, and I miss him a lot."
"[Before, e]verybody was involved in their own labor work. We were all busy. But since
the drone attacks have started, everybody is very scared and everybody is terrorized. . . .
People are out of business, people are out of schools, because people are being killed by
these drone attacks." Tahir emphasized, "It's not a [fictional] story. It's brutality that we
are undergoing and that needs to be stopped."
Khairullah Jan's brother was killed in a drone attack.
814
"[One day, [m]y brother was coming from college . . . . dropping his friend to his house,
which is located behind our house a few kilometers away. . . . I was coming from Mir Ali
Bazaar . . . going to my house. That's when I heard a drone strike and I felt something in
my heart. I thought something had happened, but we didn't get to know until next day.
That's when all the villagers came and brought us news that [my brother] had been
812
Interview with Adil Hashmi (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
813
Interview with Tahir Afzal (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
814
Interview with Khairullah Jan, in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
150
[killed] . . . I was drinking tea when I found out. [My] entire family was there. They were
crying . . . . [T]o lose such a young one; everybody is sad and it also affects the tribe, our
community, as well. My mother is really affected. She is sad all the time, and my father
is also heavily affected. At times he used to go to Peshawar or Karachi, he was outgoing,
but now he sits at home."
"I have been affected. The love that I had for studies—that has finished. My
determination to study—that is also gone. . . . if, for instance, there is a drone strike and
four or five of your villagers die and you feel sad for them and you feel like throwing
everything away, because you feel death is near— [death is] so close, so why do you want
to study?"
Ismail Hussain's cousin was killed in a drone strike.
815
"We were sitting together and my mother said Sajid did not come home. She said there
was [a] drone [attack] and so my mother said to go ask about Sajid. . . . When I came to
know that the drone [attack] had happened in the other village, I took my motorcycle to
go to that village. . . . When I reached that village, people told me Sajid and some others
were injured and were taken to the hospital. They didn't want to make me sad. Then I
went to Miranshah hospital. I didn't meet with him because before I arrived he died.
The body of my uncle's son was put into a box. I took it to my village. I placed it in the
house of my neighbor during
Fajr [dawn] prayers. At the time of Fajr, I took it to my
home." Ismail informed us, "His mother hangs his picture on the wall. She looks at it 24
hours [a day] and cries."
Hisham Abrar's cousin was killed in a drone strike.
816
"When the weather is clear, three or four [drones] can be seen . . . . They are in the air 24
[hours a day], seven [days a week], but not when it's raining. Every time they are in the
air, they can be heard. And because of the noise, we're psychologically disturbed—
women, men, and children. . . . When there were no drones, everything was all right.
[There was] business, there was no psychological stress and the people did what they
could do for a living."
815
Interview with Ismail Hussain (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 29, 2012).
816
Interview with Hisham Abrar (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
151
"[The drone strikes have caused many problems:] [f]irst, it's psychological. Diseases that
people have—psychological, mental illnesses. And that's a huge issue. Secondly, a lot of
men have been killed, so they're the wage earners for the house, and now the kids and
the families don't have a source of income because of that." Hisham noted that "[others
in the community help sometimes, but [i]n Waziristan, there are poor people, and
[victims] usually rely on . . . daily wage earning. That's only sufficient for themselves, so
it's hard to help others. But whenever they can, they do."
Khalid Raheem is an elder member of his community.
817
"We did not know that America existed. We did not know what its geographical location
was, how its government operated, what its government was like, until America invaded
Iraq and Afghanistan. We do know that Americans supported the Taliban in our area,
North Waziristan, to fight off the Soviets. But [now with] the Soviets divided and broken
. . . we have become victims of Americans. We don't know how they treat their citizens
or anything about them. All we know is that they used to support us, and now they don't.
. . . [W]e didn't know how they treated a common man. Now we know how they treat a
common man, what they're doing to us."
"We know that the consequences of drone strikes are extremely harsh. Our children, our
wives know that our breadwinners, when they go out to earn a livelihood, they might not
come back, and life may become very miserable for them in the years to come." Khalid
further explained, "Now we are always awaiting a drone attack and we know it's certain
and it's eventual and it will strike us, and we're just waiting to hear whose house it will
strike, our relatives', our neighbors', or us. We do not know. We're just always in fear."
Firoz Ali Khan is a shopkeeper in Miranshah.
818
"I have been seeing drones since the first one appeared about four to five years ago.
Sometimes there will be two or three drone attacks per day. . . . [We see drones]
hovering [24 hours a day but] we don't know when they will strike." Firoz explained,
"People are afraid of dying. . . . Children, women, they are all psychologically affected.
They look at the sky to see if there are drones. Firoz told us, "[The drones] make such a
noise that everyone is scared."
817
Interview with Khalid Raheem (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
818
Interview with Firoz Ali Khan (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
152
Marwan Aleem is a
malik in his community
.819
"My name is Marwan and I am from North Waziristan, in the area of Manzar Khel. I was
born and raised here, as was my grandfather. . . . [D]rone attacks create widespread
devastation. They have killed so many young men, who have left behind helpless young
orphans. We cannot figure out when a drone will strike—they may strike in two days,
three days, ten days, or a month—but they are always there."
Najeeb Saaqib is a
malik in his community
.820
"I belong to the Wazir nation. . . . I have a[n extended] family of 60 to 70 people. My
sons and daughters were going to schools, [but] the schools were affected by the drones.
I mean these attacks have been on schools, on
maliks, on elders, and on different
buildings. . . . [S]ometimes when people are moving in cars, they are hit. Sometimes
when they are gathering with friends, they are hit. Sometimes when people are
gathering to offer prayers to those killed, there are drone attacks on those people. . . .
[M]y own relatives, close family relatives, have been killed. Elders of the villages, the
maliks,
the children of the schools, other children, all have been victims of strikes.
"[In one case,] [t]here was a drone attack on a religious teacher while he was coming in
a car with some other people, after which he was brought to the village. A lot of people
were gathering, the small children and families were gathered, and another drone attack
happened, killing the small children. Two drone attacks in a single day."
Najeeb later told us, "We love unity. We love peace. We love to live in peace with other
people as well."
819
Interview with Marwan Aleem (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
820
Interview with Najeeb Saaqib (anonymized name), in Islamabad, Pakistan (Feb. 26, 2012).
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Jan Feb Mar Apri May June July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
Appendix B:
Strike & Minimum Casualty
Number of Strikes Numbers per Week (2010)
Mininum Casualties
12/30/2009:
Double
Agent kills 7
at CIA base
in Khost ,
Afghanistan
5/1:
Attempted
Car
Bombing of
Times
Square
7/11: Shabaab (Somali branch of Al-Qaeda)
claims credit for suicide bombings in Uganda
that killed 74
7/14 Martyrdom tape of failed Times Square
bomber shows up on internet
Floods
12/13: Karim Khan
names CIA station
chief in lawsuit
against CIA for drone
strike that killed his
relatives. CIA pulls
station chief
153
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Jan Feb Mar Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
Strike & Minimum Casualty Numbers per Week in 2011
Number of Strikes
Mininum Casualties
1/27
Raymond Davis
detained in
Lahore for
shooting 2
Pakistanis
3/8-3/16: Eight strikes kill min. 33
3/16: Pakistan releases Davis
3/17: Strike on jirga kills min . 42
(Mid-Apr) ISI chief
visits DC; has
"shouting match"
with Panetta
4/22: ISI chief still in
D.C.; drone strike
kills 25
5/2
Bin Laden
killed
9/22: Adm.
Mullen
accuses ISI of
directly
supporting
Haqqani
network
10/13:
Talks begin
to improve
relations
11/26: U.S.-led NATO
attack kills 24 Pakistani
soldiers at Salala
checkpoint . Tensions
flare.
Obama
Administration
announces partial
suspension of U.S.
military aid to
Islamabad
154
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
Jan Feb Mar Apri May June July
Strike & Minimum Casualty Numbers per Week in 2012
Number of Strikes
Mininum Casualties
1/10
U.S. ends 55
day pause in
strikes
1/28: Panetta calls upon Pakistan
to release doctor who turned in
bin Laden.
2/8: Pakistan refuses Panetta's
request 3/28: Obama&
Gilani meet while
attending nuclear
summit in Seoul
3/29: Top Military
chiefs begin
negotiations to reopen
Afghan
supply lines
4/27: Talks
break down
4/29: U.S.
launches 1st
strike in 29 days
6/11:
U.S. team
negotiating
opening of
supply lines
withdraws
5/20: NATO Summit; Obama
refuses to meet Zadari
5/24: Doctor Sentenced
7/3
Pak reopens
supply
lines
7/6: Strike kills 17
7/8: U.S. and Pak
scheduled to meet in
Tokyo
155
156
A
PPENDIX C
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
January 2011
No civilian casualties between mid-
August 2010 and January 2011,
despite increased frequency of CIA
strikes in Pakistan.
821
Unnamed
U.S.
official
to
Bloomberg
News
Sept. '10—Jan. '11
Civilians Killed: 25-106
Children Killed: 5+
Husain Haqqani, Pakistan's ambassador to the
U.S., tells Bloomberg unintended casualties are
"the subject of an ongoing dialogue" between
the US and Pakistan.
822
Bloomberg News
February 2011
No civilians killed in at least 75
strikes since mid-Aug.
823
Unnamed
U.S.
intelligence
official
Sept. '10—Feb. '11
Civilians killed: 25-117
Children Killed: 5+
October 18, 2010: Shrapnel from a strike on a
house kills 10-year-old, Naeem Ullah, who was
in the next-door house.
824
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
August 23, 2010: Reuters report four women
and three children were among the twenty
dead in a strike on a house in North
Waziristan.
825 TBIJ has pictures of children
orphaned by the strike.
826
Reuters / The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
821
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-01-31/u-s-said-to-reduce-civilian-deaths-after-increasing-cia-pakistan-strikes.html
822
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-01-31/u-s-said-to-reduce-civilian-deaths-after-increasing-cia-pakistan-strikes.html.
823
http://articles.latimes.com/2011/feb/22/world/la-fg-drone-strikes-20110222.
824
A picture of Naeem's body can be found here: http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2010-strikes/.
825
http://www.reuters.com/article/2010/08/23/us-pakistan-drone-idUSTRE67M44U20100823.
826
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2010-strikes/.
157
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
March 2011
"There's no question the Pakistani
and U.S. governments have
different views on the outcome of
this strike [on a
jirga on March 17].
The fact is that a large group of
heavily armed men, some of whom
were clearly connected to Al Qaeda
and all of whom acted in a manner
consistent with Al Qaeda-linked
militants, were killed."
827
Anonymous
U.S.
official
March 17, 2011
Total Deaths: 32-53
Civilians Killed: 32-42
Children Killed: poss. 1
"Although 11 Taliban fighters were reported
killed, between 19 and 30 civilians also died,
including tribal elders and local police
officers."
828
New York Times
Pakistan's powerful army chief, Gen. Ashfaq
Parvez Kayani, said the
jirga "was carelessly
and callously targeted with complete disregard
to human life."
829
ABC News
"[The Burea of Investigative Journalism's]
researchers said the dead included members of
the government-managed and armed
Khassadar force. One of the contractors, Malik
Daud, 45, was killed along with members of his
family. Among the civilians killed were Malik
Daud, Gul Akbar, Mohammad Sheen, Lewanai,
Mir Zaman, Din Mohammad, Malik Tareen,
Noor Ali, Zare Jan, Sadiq, Mustaqeem,
Khangai, Gulnaware and Faenda Khan."
830
New York Times
827
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12droneside.html?ref=asia.
828
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12droneside.html?ref=asia.
829
http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory?id=14213135&page=3#.T6wr9uufd8A.
830
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12droneside.html?ref=asia.
158
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
April 2011
"There is no evidence to support
that claim [of civilian deaths in the
April 22 strike] whatsoever."
831
U.S. official to CNN in response to reports from
Pakistani intelligence sources of civilian deaths
April 22, 2011
Total Deaths: 25-26
Civilians Killed: 5-8
Children Killed: 3
Government official in North Waziristan tells
Pakistani reporters that five children and four
women were killed.
832
New York Times
"At least three women were among the
dead."
833
Wall Street Journal
Pakistani official state that eight civilians were
killed.
834
CNN
Neighbor states that three children and two
women killed.
835
Associated Press
831
http://articles.cnn.com/2011-04-22/world/pakistan.drone.strike_1_drone-strike-american-drone-pakistani-tribal-region?_s=PM:WORLD
832
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/23/world/asia/23pakistan.html?_r=2&src=me.
833
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703387904576278122411803628.html.
834
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/asiapcf/04/22/pakistan.drone.strike/?hpt=T2.
835
http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory?id=14213135&page=3#.T6wr9uufd8A.
159
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
May 2011
Since the beginning of 2009, only
30 "noncombatants" have been
killed and none since summer 2010.
Drones are "the most precise
weapon in the history of warfare."
836
U.S. official "familiar with the details of the
[drone] program" tells National Journal
Sep. '10—May '11
Civilians Killed: 73-183+
Children Killed: 8+
Study finds 53 civilians, including two women
and three children, were killed in nine drone
strikes between August 2010 and May 2011.
837
Associated Press
June 2011
"Nearly for the past year there
hasn't been a single collateral death
because of the exceptional
proficiency, precision of the
capabilities that we've been able to
develop."
838
John Brennan, Deputy National Security Advisor
for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism,
and Assistant to the President
Sep. '10—June '11
Civilians Killed: 87-223+
Children Killed: 8+
June 6, 2011: Report that seven civilians are
among the dead in two three suspected drone
strikes.
839
CNN
836
http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/secret-love-obama-s-budding-romance-with-the-cia-20110511?page=3.
837
http://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2012/02/25/ap-investigation-of-us-drone-strikes-in-pakistan.
838
June 29, 2011 speech at Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University in Washington, reported at
http://articles.latimes.com/2011/jun/29/news/la-pn-al-qaeda-strategy-20110629
.
839
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/asiapcf/06/06/pakistan.attacks/
160
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
July 2011
"There haven't been any
noncombatant casualties for about a
year, and assertions to the contrary
are wrong. The most accurate
information on counter-terror
operations resides with the United
States, and this list is wildly
inaccurate. Those operations are
designed to protect America and our
allies, including Pakistan, from
terrorists who continue to seek to
kill innocents around the world."
840
Senior U.S. Official
Sep. '10—July '11
Civilians Killed: 92-233+
Children Killed: 8+
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
releases report that finds between August 23,
2010 and June 29, 2011 "45-56 civilian victims
across 10 individual strikes."
841
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
June 15, 2011: A drone strike on a car kills five
civilians and leads to an outpouring of local
anger. Residents used the coffins of the dead to
block roads in protest.
842 Among the dead
were: Shahzada; a student and the grandson of
a tribal elder, Akram Shah, a government
employee, Atiq ur Rehman, a local pharmacist,
Irshad Khan, who worked for Rehman, and
Amar Khan, a local student at Miransha
college.
843
Dawn.com / The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
840
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/07/18/washingtons-untrue-claims-no-civilian-deaths-in-pakistan-drone-strikes/.
841
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/07/18/washingtons-untrue-claims-no-civilian-deaths-in-pakistan-drone-strikes/.
842
http://dawn.com/2011/06/17/tribesmen-protest-drone-attacks/
843
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/obama-2011-strikes/
161
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
August 2011
"Fortunately, for more than a year,
due to our discretion and precision,
the U.S. government has not found
credible evidence of collateral
deaths resulting from U.S.
counterterrorism operations outside
of Afghanistan or Iraq, and we will
continue to do our best to keep it
that way."
844
John Brennan, Deputy National Security Advisor
for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism,
and Assistant to the President
Aug. '10-Aug. '11
Civilians Killed: 112-
276+
Children Killed: 15+
Study finds 53 civilians, including two women
and three children, were killed in nine drone
strikes between August 2010 and May 2011.
845
Associated Press
September
2011
N.A. N.A. N.A.
844
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/12/world/asia/12drones.html?pagewanted=all.
845
http://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2012/02/25/ap-investigation-of-us-drone-strikes-in-pakistan.
162
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
October 2011
Regarding October 31st strike on car
carrying 16 year old Tariq Khan and
his 12-year-old cousin: "A U.S.
official acknowledged to ABC News
that the car was targeted by the CIA,
but said the two people inside it
were militants, and that neither
occupant was a 12-year-old."
846
Anonymous U.S. official
October 31, 2011
Civilian Deaths: 2
Children Killed: 2
Clive Stafford Smith, founder of Reprieve, a
UK-based charity, confirms Tariq Khan
attended a three day meeting in Islamabad
three days before he was killed. The meeting
was hosted by Reprieve and included more
than 60 villagers from FATA, all of whom
gathered to discuss drones in their
communities. According to Stafford Smith,
"Tariq was a good kid, and courageous."
847
New York Times
"If Tariq Aziz, the 16-year-old soccer fan I met
last week in Pakistan was a dangerous Taliban
terrorist, let the CIA prove it."
848
Pratap Chatterjee, The Guardian
November
2011
N.A. N.A. N.A.
December
2011
N.A. N.A. N.A.
846
http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/tariq-khan-killed-cia-drone/story?id=15258659#.T7K-rOufdm1.
847
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/04/opinion/in-pakistan-drones-kill-our-innocent-allies.html?_r=3&src=tp
848
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/nov/07/cia-unaccountable-drone-war?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487.
163
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
January 2012
President Obama, acknowledging
the drone program for the first time,
states that it is "kept on a very tight
leash," enables the U.S. to use
"pinpoint" targeting, and does not
inflict huge civilian casualties.
849
President Barak Obama
Jan. '09-Dec. '11
Total strikes: 259
Total Killed: 1932
Minimum Civilians
Killed: 297-569+
Minimum Children
Killed: 64+
Minimum Total Injured:
901
Since Obama took office three years ago,
between 282 and 535 civilians have been
credibly reported as killed, including more
than 60 children. A three month investigation
including eye witness reports has found
evidence that at least 50 civilians were killed in
follow-up strikes when they had gone to help
victims.
850
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism
Between May 2009 and June 2011, at least
fifteen attacks on rescuers were reported by
credible news media.
New York Times / CNN / Associated Press /
ABC News / Al Jazeera.
851
February 2012
U.S. "has no reliable evidence" of
civilian deaths in any of the
examined strikes.
Unnamed U.S. counterterrorism official
responding to investigation by the Associated
Press. The AP investigation looked at 10 drone
strikes between August 14, 2010 and August 10,
2011 and found evidence of civilian deaths.
852
AP Report (10 strikes)
Total Civilians Killed: 53
Total Children Killed: 3
(re: April 22, 2011 strike) AP Study finds
"[m]issiles hit a compound in Hasan Khel
village, killing 25 people, including 20
militants, three children and two women."
853
Seattle Times / Associated Press
849
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/31/world/middleeast/civilian-deaths-due-to-drones-are-few-obama-says.html.
850
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistan-include-targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/
851
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/02/04/obama-terror-drones-cia-tactics-in-pakistan-include-targeting-rescuers-and-funerals/
852
http://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2012/02/25/ap-investigation-of-us-drone-strikes-in-pakistan.
853
http://seattletimes.com/html/nationworld/2017595106_apaspakistandroneshumancostglance.html
164
US S
TATEMENTS ON CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
D
ATE U.S. ASSERTIONS
TBIJ R
EPORTED
C
IVILIAN DEATHS
E
XAMPLES OF CONTRADICTORY
I
NFORMATION
March 2012
April 2012
Brennan states that for a period of
time the U.S. "had no information
about a single civilian being killed,"
but "unfortunately in war there are
casualties, including among the
civilian population." He adds,
"sometimes you have to take life to
save lives."
854
John Brennan, Deputy National Security Advisor
for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism,
and Assistant to the President
Aug. '10 – Apr. '12
Civilians Killed: 117-
284+
Children Killed: 17+
854
Speaking on ABC "This Week," reported at http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/world_now/2012/04/brennan-drone-attacks.html.
165
168
Image of original photos
taken by Noor Behram,
Pakistani photojournalist. The
photos are part of a collection of
images of drone victims and drone
sites compiled by Mr. Behram.
© 2012 Stanford Law School & NYU School of Lawhttp://livingunderdrones.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Stanford_NYU_LIVING_UNDER_DRONES.pdf